Opinion
Why El-Rufai Is Misunderstood
The Kaduna State
governor, Mallam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, relishes controversy. Lately, he was slammed the “death” penalty by the founder of Omega Fire Ministries, Apostle Johnson Suleiman, for a bill he initiated to regulate religious activities in his state. The bill awaits public hearing and final presentation for third reading in the state Assembly.
Titled: “A Bill for a Law to Substitute the Kaduna State Religious Preaching Law 1984”, the bill is said to be a replication of the 1984 law enacted by the military with modifications. Following protracted religious conflicts in the state, the military administrations at the time enacted the law to check the activities of radical preachers who had been accused of sparking off crises with their utterances.
Kaduna is a cosmopolitan state. Since its creation, it has witnessed one form of violent conflict or the other with heavy casualties, thus making it one of the most volatile and vulnerable states in the country. The conflicts range from boundary and land disputes, religious crises, political violence, ethnic clashes, chieftaincy tussles etc.
Some of the violent clashes that had engulfed the state include the Maitatsine riot of 1980, the 1987 Kafanchan crisis, 1992 Zango Kataf crisis, 2000 Sharia conflict, post presidential election violence in 2011 and the recent Shi’ite/army clash that would have resulted in a bigger crisis but for the state government’s intervention.
The state government has consistently defended the proposed law, claiming that it does not have ulterior motives neither does it contravene Section 45(1) of the 1999 Constitution; rather it seeks to ensure that religious preaching and activities in the state are conducted in apple pie order for public bid and safety. But who cares to listen when everyone is up in arms?
However, critics of the bill have pointed to its inconsistency with Sections 38 and 39 of the Constitution which protect the rights of citizens to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. What is being suggested here is that the bill restricts preaching and would therefore limit conversion. Its opponents also allege that it will transfer the leadership of the religions to the board it seeks to create.
Now, how does this bill look like? First, it proposes the establishment of regulatory bodies for the two major religious groups. It also proposes the establishment of two committees, one from Jama’atau Nasir Islam (JNI) for the Muslims and the other from the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN). It recommends the establishment of an inter-faith ministerial committee to supervise both the JNI and CAN.
The two committees will issue licenses approved by the ministerial committee to preachers which is renewable annually, while a visiting preacher will be issued license to cover the period he will preach. Similar committees will be replicated in the local government areas. Both JNI and CAN are empowered by the bill to keep records of all churches and mosques and the data of preachers.
Other proposals by the bill include restriction on the playing of all communication gadgets containing religious recordings to one’s house, the church, mosques and other designated places of worship. The bill further prohibits the playing of cassettes that use abusive language against any person, religious organizations or their leaders.
Furthermore, it makes it an offence for anyone to preach without license, play a religious cassette or uses a loud speaker after 8pm in public places; use a loud speaker for religious purposes other than inside a mosque or church and surrounding areas outside the prescribed prayer times.
Abuse of religious books, inciting disturbances of public peace, abuse or use of any derogatory term in describing any religion or the carrying of weapons of any description in places of worship or to any other place with a view to causing any disturbances are equally offensive. The bill makes all infractions punishable by a term not exceeding two years imprisonment or a fine of N200, 000 or both.
This executive bill by the state government has generated great controversy among leaders of the two major religions (Christianity and Islam) in the state as well as stakeholders who are split on the propriety or otherwise of the proposed law. While it is being upbraided in some quarters, others have applauded it as a step in the proper direction.
El-Rufai’s bill is not new. Many countries have enacted laws to regulate religious activities in line with their peculiar circumstances. Even beyond our shores, France’s leading Muslim body, the French Council for the Muslim Religion (CFCM), announced, in the wake of the last terrorists’ attacks that, Imams would have to be licensed after their theological knowledge is tested particularly for their “tolerance” and “openness”.
What is wrong with El-Rufai’s bill and why is it vilified? Have those who criticize the draft legislation bothered to peruse it and point out the sections that are offensive to the governor as he has always demanded? While some of the provisions of the bill are unacceptable, I think the governor has a responsibility to protect those he governs. And one way to actualize it is to enact a law to check dangerous religious activities in his state. I disagree with those who claim that the bill will infringe on their fundamental rights. Such rights are not absolute and that is why the state can regulate them to accommodate others’ rights.
Finally, and I think this is very important. I don’t question the governor’s intention, but since laws are about people, El-Rufai must listen to dissenters from the bill and take their views seriously. This means he has to consult more widely, meet with critics and representatives of all religions in the state, and return with a more acceptable bill. Why El-Rufai has been so misunderstood is because he has projected his intention well above good approach. This must change if his bill must have a dint of a fighting chance.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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