Politics
Sanusi And Politics Of Removal
Penultimate Thursday, the
unthinkable happened. The cerebral governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was suspended by President Goodluck Jonathan.
Sanusi who learnt of his suspension in Niamey, Niger Republic while attending a conference of the West African Currency Zone with other governors of the Central Banks in West Africa received the news of his suspension with a rude shock, just like many other Nigerians. He immediately returned to Lagos only to have his international passport seized by the officials of the Directorate of State Security Service (SSS). He has however, challenged his suspension in the court “to establish once and for all if the president has the powers to do what he had done.”
Sanusi told the cable news network, CNBN in Niamey that,“It has never been my desire to hold on to a job. However, I believe if the CBN governor cannot be removed from office, then he cannot be suspended. He can be qurried, but the exercise of the arbitrary decision to remove him must be challenged.
“If it is not challenged, then from now, the next CBN governor cannot be independent. He can be suspended for any reason, and the independence of the CBN would be totally undermined. It is important to establish the point legally whether this can happen. I do plan to ask the court to confirm if indeed, that authority exists. I will challenge it”.
The apex bank boss, according to the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Dr Reuben Abati, was suspended because of his alleged financial infractions and recklessness as well as multiple cases of fraudulent practices. The CBN under Sanusi’s watch, was also accused of not maintaining proper book of accounts as prescribed by the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). All these charges were based on the 2012 audit report prepared by the Financial Reporting Council of Nigeria (FRCN), whose existence is becoming known to millions of Nigerians for the first time.
The FRC’s report, which came to the public domain two days after Sanusi’s suspension, further recommended the sack of the CBN governor and his deputies to the President.
Although, the President was careful not to cite any constitutional provision in suspending Sanusi, perhaps knowing fully well that no such provision existed either in the constitution or the CBN Act to back his action, he nonetheless gave indications that his action did not infringe the law.
“There is absolute power by the president to suspend the CBN governor,” he said during a presidential chat last week.
Section 11(7) of the CBN Act, 2007 gives the president powers to remove the CBN Governor, but with a proviso that such removal must enjoy two-third majority approval of the Senate. The Act does not however, contemplate suspension.
Although the President has denied the allegations of political witch-hunt against the CBN governor, the suspension, coming at a time when Sanusi’s weighty allegations against the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) are still being investigated may likely taint whatever reasons the President adduced for his action.
Sanusi had written to the President accusing the NNPC of not remitting $49.8billion (about three times the nation’s annual budget) to the Federation Account. He, however, later told the Senate Committee investigating the allegations that the unremitted amount was actually $20billion and not $49.8billion earlier mentioned, blaming the CBN’s Reserve Department for misleading him.
Sanusi’s whistle-blowing and his sustained public attacks on the NNPC, widely seen as a conduit pipe and the epicenter of corruption in Africa’s top oil producer, has earned him powerful enemies within government circle.
The unprecedented nature of the CBN governor’s suspension, in the history of Nigeria and perhaps that of most countries of the world, has however, divided the nation along its main fault lines-political, ethnic and religious lines, with the former (politics) appears to be playing a dominating factor.
While government apologists, made up of mostly members of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) supported Sanusi’s suspension and argued that only few government would have tolerated Sanusi’s arrogant personality and the ‘defiance’ he applied to his brief as CBN governor; critics of Jonathan’s administration, especially the main opposition party- the All Progressives Congress (APC) dismissed the suspension as a political malice, saying it was sheer disrespect to the rule of law and a show of impunity and ingratitude that a person who has brought about sweeping revolution in the banking industry and who should have been commended for exposing the rot in the oil industry could be so vilified.
The House of Representatives fired the first salvo and perhaps set a stage for what has become a political mudslinging among the nation’s major political players.
Shortly after the news of Sanusi’s suspension hit the air waves, the House of Representatives rejected the suspension. Apparently embittered by what the legislators perceived as selective implementation or non-compliance with its resolution against some public officers over corrupt practices, the House mandated its committees on Justice, and Legislative Compliances to compile all resolutions that have indicted any public officer for which President Jonathan had refused to act on, and therefore requested the President to act on them with immediate effect.
The decision which was taken after adopting a motion moved by the Minority Whip, Samson Osagie, was however, preceded by sharp division between APC and PDP members in the House. While the PDP members were in support of the suspension, their counterparts in the APC described the suspension as unconstitutional and antithetical to the nation’s economy more so at a time when the CBN governor raised some concerns about missing funds.
Similar scenario played out at the Senate with the PDP members which constituted the majority voting in support of the suspension and the APC members rejecting the measure.
Acting on an already set stage by their members, the two leading parties in the country toed the party lines in their separate responses to the suspension.
The APC accused the presidency of campaigning to malign Sanusi, using the report of “obscure” Financial Reporting Council (FRC). It also accused President Jonathan of seeking to use the suspension to divert attention and thereby sweeping the alleged $20billion NNPC missing funds under the carpet and punishing Sanusi for daring to expose the alleged fraud.
In a statement issued by the APC Interim National Publicity Secretary, Alhaji Lai Muhammed, the party said, “Irrespective of the tepid and unconvincing denial by the presidency, it is clear that the main reason the presidency moved against Sanusi is because he blew the lid on the $20 billion funds, which the NNPC allegedly failed t o remit to the Federation Account.
“Fortunately, discerning Nigerians are not hoodwinked by the presidency’s choreographed mudslinging against a whistle blower, and the sponsored campaign that amounts to shooting the messenger just because his message is not palatable”.
The PDP in its own reactions, described Sanusi’s suspension as long overdue. It justified both the suspension and the President’s powers to do so, saying he who hires has the power to fire.
The same political mudslinging dominated the reactions of the two factions of the Nigeria’s Governor Forum. While the faction led by the Rivers State governor, Chibuike Amaechi and made up of mostly APC governors, condemned the suspension and called for the forensic audit of NNPC’s account as a way of confirming or refuting Sanusi’s allegations, the Jonah Jang’s faction comprising mainly of PDP governors and Jonathan’s loyalists, lent its support to Sanusi’s suspension, and accused Amaechi’s NGF of playing out APC’s script.
Meanwhile, the Kano Emirate Council, in a statement signed by the Galadima Kano, Alhaji Tijani Hahim, believed Sanusi’s suspension was a deliberate attempt to witch hunt a whistle blower who exposed a monumental fraud in the NNPC.
“As the President has suspended the governor without the recourse to the rule of law, we believed it was a deliberate attempt to witch-hunt him. It is a desperation and impunity at the highest level by the Federal Government,” the council said.
On its own, the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) at the end of its emergency meeting last week, cautioned the Jonathan’s government against any harm befalling Sanusi.
Although the presidency wears Sanusi’s sack the gown of a suspension, everything surrounding the suspension indicates the dismissive tone of a sack. In a similar guise of suspension, Justice Ayo Salami (retired) was removed as the President of the Appeal Court by President Jonathan and was not reinstated despite the reinstatement order by the National Judicial Council (NJC).
As a newspaper columnist, Idowu Akinlotan noted recently, “not only was the former CBN boss removed, his temporary and permanent replacements were hastily named with temerity that reeked of political insensitivity and unconstitutionality, and with such absolute lack of grace and class that leaves one wondering how it was possible for Dr Jonathan to demean the Nigerian presidency to such level of pettiness.”
Many questions are however, begging for answers regarding Sanusi’s suspension. Notwithstanding that the presidency hanged the suspension on FRC’s report which indicted the CBN boss of financial misconduct, why did the presidency take this long to fire Sanusi, when the FRC’s report had been submitted to the President since June, last year, if truly the suspension was not connected with the president’s exasperation, arising from the disquieting concern Sanusi raised about financial improprietness in the NNPC? And why did the President spare the NNPC Group Managing Director, Andrew Yakubu and Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke whose agency and ministry are also under investigation? Why didn’t the President also suspend the CBN deputy governors who were also recommended for sack by the FRC? Why did the President not implement several other reports that called for the removal of certain officials of government that were indicted?
While it may take Sanusi more than a mere judicial discharge and acquital to convince his traducers that his integrity is not sullied by any financial impropriety and brashness, it will also take President Jonathan more than a FRC’s report to justify that Sanusi’s suspension was not due to his poking a finger in the President’s eye in the course of allegations against NNPC.
Boye Salau
Featured
INEC Proposes N873.78bn For 2027 Elections, N171bn For 2026 Operations
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) yesterday told the National Assembly that it requires N873.78bn to conduct the 2027 general elections, even as it seeks N171bn to fund its operations in the 2026 fiscal year.
INEC Chairman, Prof Joash Amupitan, made the disclosure while presenting the commission’s 2026 budget proposal and the projected cost for the 2027 general elections before the National Assembly Joint Committee on Electoral Matters in Abuja.
According to Amupitan, the N873.78bn election budget covers the full conduct of national polls in 2027.
An additional N171bn is needed to support INEC’s routine activities in 2026, including bye-elections and off-season elections, the commission stated.
The INEC boss said the proposed election budget does not include a fresh request from the National Youth Service Corps seeking increased allowances for corps members engaged as ad-hoc staff during elections.
He explained that, although the details of specific line items were not exhaustively presented, the almost N1tn election budget is structured across five major components.
“N379.75bn is for operational costs, N92.32bn for administrative costs, N209.21bn for technological costs, N154.91bn for election capital costs and N42.61bn for miscellaneous expenses,” Amupitan said.
The INEC chief noted that the budget was prepared “in line with Section 3(3) of the Electoral Act 2022, which mandates the Commission to prepare its election budget at least one year before the general election.”
On the 2026 fiscal year, Amupitan disclosed that the Ministry of Finance provided an envelope of N140bn, stressing, however, that “INEC is proposing a total expenditure of N171bn.”
The breakdown includes N109bn for personnel costs, N18.7bn for overheads, N42.63bn for election-related activities and N1.4bn for capital expenditure.
He argued that the envelope budgeting system is not suitable for the Commission’s operations, noting that INEC’s activities often require urgent and flexible funding.
Amupitan also identified the lack of a dedicated communications network as a major operational challenge, adding that if the commission develops its own network infrastructure, Nigerians would be in a better position to hold it accountable for any technical glitches.
Speaking at the session, Senator Adams Oshiomhole (APC, Edo North) said external agencies should not dictate the budgeting framework for INEC, given the unique and sensitive nature of its mandate.
He advocated that the envelope budgeting model should be set aside.
He urged the National Assembly to work with INEC’s financial proposal to avoid future instances of possible underfunding.
In the same vein, a member of the House of Representatives from Edo State, Billy Osawaru, called for INEC’s budget to be placed on first-line charge as provided in the Constitution, with funds released in full and on time to enable the Commission to plan early enough for the 2027 general election.
The Joint Committee approved a motion recommending the one-time release of the Commission’s annual budget.
The committee also said it would consider the NYSC’s request for about N32bn to increase allowances for corps members to N125,000 each when engaged for election duties.
The Chairman of the Senate Committee on INEC, Senator Simon Along, assured that the National Assembly would work closely with the Commission to ensure it receives the necessary support for the successful conduct of the 2027 general elections.
Similarly, the Chairman of the House Committee on Electoral Matters, Bayo Balogun, also pledged legislative support, warning INEC to be careful about promises it might be unable to keep.
He recalled that during the 2023 general election, INEC made strong assurances about uploading results to the INEC Result Viewing portal, creating the impression that results could be monitored in real time.
“iREV was not even in the Electoral Act; it was only in INEC regulations. So, be careful how you make promises,” Balogun warned.
The N873.78bn proposed by INEC for next year’s general election is a significant increase from the N313.4bn released to the Commission by the Federal Government for the conduct of the 2023 general election.
Politics
APC Releases Adjusted Timetable For Nationwide Congresses, Convention
In a timetable issued by its National Secretariat in Abuja and signed by the National Organising Secretary, Sulaiman Argungu, the party said the activities were in line with provisions of its constitution guiding the election of party officials across all tiers.
According to the schedule, membership e-registration began on January 31 and ended on February 8, while notices of congresses were dispatched to state and Federal Capital Territory chapters on February 2.
Submission of nomination forms for ward and local government congresses closed on February 9, followed by screening and appeals between February 10 and February 14.
Ward congresses are fixed for February 18, with appeals the following day, while local government congresses will take place on February 21 and appeals on February 23.
At the state level, purchase of forms for state executive positions will run from February 22 to February 25, with screening set for February 27–28 and appeals from March 1–2. State congresses are scheduled for March 3, and appeals on March 4.
Activities leading to zonal congresses and the national convention include purchase and submission of forms between March 12 and March 16, inauguration of screening committees on March 23, and screening of aspirants on March 24. Zonal congresses across the six geo-political zones are slated for March 25, with appeals on March 26.
The party’s national convention will hold from March 27 to March 28.The APC also published fees for expression of interest and nomination forms across the different tiers.
At the ward level, expression of interest costs ?5,000, while nomination forms range from ?15,000 to ?20,000 depending on the position. For local government positions, nomination forms range from ?50,000 to ?100,000 after a ?10,000 expression-of-interest fee.
State executive positions attract ?50,000 for expression of interest, with nomination forms pegged at ?1 million for chairman and ?500,000 for other offices. Zonal offices require ?100,000 expression of interest and ?200,000 for nomination.
For national positions, the fees rise significantly, with expression of interest set at ?100,000. Nomination forms cost ?10 million for national chairman, ?7.5 million for deputy national chairmen and national secretary, ?5 million for other offices, and ?250,000 for National Executive Committee membership.
The party noted that female aspirants, youths and persons living with disabilities would pay only the expression-of-interest fee and 50 per cent of nomination costs. It also clarified that Ekiti, Osun, Rivers states and the FCT are excluded from ward, local government and state congresses, but will participate in electing delegates to the national convention.
Forms are to be completed online after payment verification, with payments directed to designated APC accounts at Zenith Bank and United Bank for Africa.
The congress cycle is expected to determine new party leadership structures ahead of future electoral activities.
Politics
Police On Alert Over Anticipated PDP Secretariat Reopening
The Tide source reports that the committee, reportedly backed by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, is making moves to reclaim the Wadata Plaza headquarters months after it was sealed following a violent clash between rival factions of the party.
Senior officers at the FCT Police Command told our source that while they had not received an official briefing, police personnel would be stationed at the secretariat and other key locations to maintain peace.
The Acting National Secretary of the Mohammed-led committee, Sen. Samuel Anyanwu, announced last week that the secretariat would reopen for official activities on Monday (today).
He dismissed claims that ongoing litigation would prevent the reopening, saying, “There are no legal barriers preventing the caretaker committee from resuming work at the party’s headquarters.”
However, the Tanimu Turaki-led National Working Committee (NWC) has fiercely rejected the reopening move, insisting that Sen. Anyanwu and his group remain expelled from the PDP and have no authority to act on its behalf.
Speaking with The Tide source, the committee’s National Publicity Secretary, Ini Ememobong, declared: “They are living in fool’s paradise. The worst form of deceit is self-deceit, where the person knows he is deceiving himself yet continues with gusto.
“Even INEC, which they claim has recognised them, has denied them. They are indulging in a roller coaster of self-deceit.”
Mr Ememobong further revealed that letters had been sent to both the Inspector-General of Police and the FCT Commissioner of Police, stressing that the matter was still in court and warning against any attempt to “resort to self-help.”
“The case pending before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik was instituted by the expelled members. They cannot resort to self-help until judgment is delivered,” he said.
He warned that reopening the secretariat would amount to contempt of court.
A senior officer at the FCT Police Command, who spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed that officers would be deployed to the area to avert a repeat of the November 19 violence that led to the secretariat’s initial closure.
“The command would not stand by and allow a breakdown of peace and order by the party or anyone else. Definitely, the police will have to be on the ground,” he said.
Another officer added, “There will definitely be men present at the secretariat, but I can’t say the number of police officers that would be deployed.”
When contacted, the FCT Police Public Relations Officer, Josephine Adeh, said she had not been briefed on the planned reopening and declined to comment on whether officers would be deployed.
Asked to confirm whether the secretariat was initially sealed by police, she responded, “Yes,” but refused to say more about the current deployment plans.
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