Opinion
April 2011 General Elections: A Post-Mortem
The April 2011 general elections have come and gone. They were largely successful and an improvement on our past general elections since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999. The Senate and the lower chamber elections took place on April 9, 2011. That of the president was held on April 16, 2011, and the Gubernatorial and state Houses of Assembly elections were conducted on April 26, 2011. The original date of April 2,2011 was postponed twice. First to April 4, 2011 and again to April 9, 2011 due mainly to logistics problems and late arrival of result sheets.
In the National Assembly, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) maintained its lead even though it lost some of its seats. At the Presidential level, the Peoples Democratic Party candidate, Dr Goodluck Jonathan won by a wide margin. Out of the thirty-six states of the country, he won thirty-one. He also won the Federal Capital Territory. The total votes cast in the presidential race were 39,469,484. Of these, 1,259,506 were made invalid votes while 38,209,978 were made valid votes. Of the valid votes, President Jonathan scored 22,495,187. General Buhari of the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) was a distant second with 12,214,853 votes while Mallam Nuhu Ribadu of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) was a poor third with 2,790,151 votes.
In the Gubernatorial and the state Houses of Assembly elections the PDP and ACN also acquitted themselves creditably with their impressive performance. The elections were largely free, fair and convincing. International observers such as the Commonwealth, the European Union and the African Union observers said the elections were credible. Nonetheless, they identified some shortcomings in the polls. Because of this, they called for vigilance over the’ electoral process and appealed to all parties, their supporters and the electorate to accept the results as declared and adhere to the code of conduct prohibiting acts of violence, threats, intimidation and other violations of the Electoral Act. They gave credit to the Independent National Electoral Commission for doing a good job. The National Democratic Institute also gave a pass mark to INEC for a job well done.
However, as already noted, the April 2011 elections were an improvement on past elections in the Fourth Republic. Apart from the initial hitches, the exercise turned out to be a success. We therefore appeal to all parties and the citizens to accept the outcome in good faith so that we can move forward.
All those who did not succeed in this exercise should extend a hand of fellowship to those who pulled through. It is in such a spirit that we can make meaning out of any situation and circumstance. This country should be made to come out of her predicament of underdevelopment, poverty and ignorance. And it is when we extend the hands of fellowship to one another that we can surmount our problems.
Howbeit, in spite of the clear success of the elections some parts of the country were thrown into violence soon after the presidential elections on April 16, 2011. For instance, on April 17, 2011, political violence enveloped such places as Kano, Kaduna, Bauchi and Niger States. The violence broke out when it became clear that President Goodluck Jonathan had won the presidential elections.
Following the violence, business premises, houses and churches were razed. The house of the Vice President Namadi Sambo in Zaria was burnt. The house was at the Tudun Wada area of Zaria. The death toll as a result of the violence was given as two hundred and more than twenty houses were set ablaze in the affected northern states. An INEC office in Bajoga, Funakaye local government area of Nasarawa State was razed.
In Minna, Niger State, about fifty National Youth Service Corps members were locked up in the Nigerian Christian Corpers Fellowship Secretariat by some youths protesting the result of the presidential elections. They later set the building on fire while the youth corps members were still locked inside.
According to reports, eleven of the youth corps members were killed by the protesters. This is indeed barbaric. What have we gained from all these. Political violence has not done this country any good apart from bringing sorrow and destruction of properties that are estimated at millions and billions of naira. Innocent lives are also lost because of political violence. In the current violence lives have been lost. Properties have been destroyed. What then do we gain? Absolutely nothing.
Unruly behaviour such as this should be condemned by all well-meaning and civilized persons in this country. We all should preach against political violence in this country. Political violence has not done any good to this country. Instead it has brought instability, bloodbath and retrogression to Nigeria. Political parties should therefore do away with thuggery and violence in Nigerian politics. It is when we check this criminality in our politics that we can experience political stability and progress.
In his reaction, President Goodluck Jonathan said these acts of mayhem were sad reminders of the events which plunged our country into thirty months of an unfortunate civil war. He adds that as a country we are yet to come to terms with the level of human suffering, destruction and displacement including that of our children to far away countries occasioned by those dark days. The president stressed that in recent years we had also witnessed other acts of intolerance, violence and destruction of human lives perpetrated by unpatriotic elements for no justifiable reason. He pointed out that democracy was about the rule of law.
It was to its credit that in recent years our judiciary had demonstrated great courage, fortitude and independence in the discharge of its duties, adding that “there are therefore no grievances that our laws and courts cannot address”. Dr Jonathan emphasised that as president it was his solemn duty to defend the constitution of this country and that included the obligation to protect lives and properties of Nigerians wherever they chose to live.
He promised Nigerians that he would defend the rights of all citizens to express their democratic choice freely any where in the country. The president averred that he was greatly pained by the loss of lives and properties in some parts of the country as a result of political violence. As indicated already, all political parties should check their thugs during and after elections in order to eradicate violence in our politics. Nigeria gains nothing from political violence. Violence in our politics should therefore stop.
Dr. Tolofari, a distinguished fellow, Institute of Corporate Administration of Nigeria, resides in Port Harcourt.
Mann Tolofari
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm
-
Politics4 days agoWhy Reno Omokri Should Be Dropped From Ambassadorial List – Arabambi
-
Politics3 days agoPDP Vows Legal Action Against Rivers Lawmakers Over Defection
-
Sports3 days agoNigeria, Egypt friendly Hold Dec 16
-
Sports3 days agoNSC hails S’Eagles Captain Troost-Ekong
-
Oil & Energy3 days agoNCDMB Unveils $100m Equity Investment Scheme, Says Nigerian Content Hits 61% In 2025 ………As Board Plans Technology Challenge, Research and Development Fair In 2026
-
Politics3 days agoRIVERS PEOPLE REACT AS 17 PDP STATE LAWMAKERS MOVE TO APC
-
Politics3 days agoWithdraw Ambassadorial List, It Lacks Federal Character, Ndume Tells Tinubu
-
Sports3 days agoMakinde becomes Nigeria’s youngest Karate black belt
