Opinion
Between The Senate And INEC
Last week, the Senate was reported to have advised the Chairman of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Attahiru Jega, to “talk less and do more work” in his effort at conducting free, fair and credible elections in 2011.
The order by the Senate was a fallout of alleged comments credited to Prof. Jega by a section of the media when he hosted an EU delegation in Abuja.
Denying the allegations when he appeared before the Senate’s two committees on INEC and Ethics, Privileges and Public Petitions, Jega explained that he was quoted out of context by the media.
Making further clarifications on the matter, Jega said he understood what his job as INEC chairman required in terms of dialogue, consultation and respect for all parties involved in making 2011 elections a success.
“I have always understood the requirement of my job as chairman of INEC to be that which requires dialogue, consultation and respect for all those we have to partner with for the success of the 2011 elections.”
While expressing concern about the report, which the Senate asked him to clarify, the INEC boss said, he only expressed concerns about conflicting reports in his presentation to the EU delegation but that his comments were reported out of context.
According to him, “I want to say there is no iota of truth in those reports,” adding that, he had the greatest respect and treasured the partnership of the National Assembly in the task of Nigeria’s aspiration for a transparent election in 2011.
In the first instance, this writer is of the view that if the Senate mainly invited the INEC boss only to berate him on an issue they read in the newspapers, then what transpired that day was a folly.
According to reports, the Senate referred the “Jega EU matter” to the two committees for investigation after Sen. Kanti Bello (PDP-Katsina), drew the attention of his colleagues to comments in the newspapers credited to Jega which inferred that the National Assembly was in the way of INEC for its slow approach to the amendment of the 1999 Constitution.
Be that as it may, was the Senate not hasty on inviting Jega for cautioning without first requesting him to make available to it the materials he presented before the EU?
Or does Sen. Kanti Bello have so much trust and faith in the particular newspaper he read as to regard what he read and presented to the Senate as facts, because as far as this writer is concerned, the two Senate committees which handled the matter, acted as accused, prosecution and at the same time, judge.
For example, Sen. Adego Eferakaya (PDP-Delta) , while berating Jega, was quoted as saying that, “I want to advise you as a professional colleague that, if you talk less, it will be better because this is a sensitive period.”
If I may ask, does Sen. Eferakaya, who is also a retired professor not know that all his life, Jega’s job has been that of talking or does he need to be reminded that to be INEC boss, you do more talking to clear the air on issues concerning the conduct of elections?
Or does he need to be reminded that Jega has not only been a lecturer of immense stature but also a former president of ASUU during the dreaded Sani Abacha era?
However, since the Chairman, Senate Committee on Ethics, Previlieges and Public Petitions, Sen. Umar Hambagda, who also chaired the session has asked Jega to make available to the committees his presentation to the EU delegation, it behooves the Senate to reciprocate by making the contents public as soon as they receive it so that the perceived guilty verdict on Jega can be put in its right perspective.
King Osila
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Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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