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Internal Colonialism In The Niger Delta?

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The heartless, irascible child who keeps his mother awake all night long will himself not know sleep throughout the night. Yoruba proverb. In all the essential details, the Niger Delta in the last half of a century since Nigeria became one of the big oil exporting nations of the world remarkably resembles the Portuguese ad Belgian colonial possession in Africa in the heyday of Western imperial domination of our continent; in particular, the Niger Delta most especially resembles the then called Belgian Congo. Compared to the French and British colonies, in these Portuguese and Belgian colonies, Africans were far more exploited, far more arrogantly and brutally governed. In the economic sphere, the colonial territory was literally and effectively mined for all its most highly valued natural resources and nothing much was put back to develop there land and the people to whom it historically belonged. In fact, in most cases, the land and the peoples I these Portuguese and Belgian colonies were left far worse by the super-exploitation of the colonizers than they had been before the arrival of the colonial overlords and their mining and trading companies. In the political sphere, the kinds and levels of self-governance and self-rule that the British and the French gradually introduced in their colonies were near absent in the Portuguese and Belgian colonies; the only kind of self-rule that was tolerated was any kind that could make the exploitation of the land, the resources and the people more effective, more profitable for there colonizer. Any Nigerian who does not know that these are the same sort of things that have been happening in our Niger Delta in the last fifty years is grossly and tragically uninformed. In the last fifty years since oil prospecting in the Niger Delta not only became big time oil exportation but also became overwhelmingly the country’s main source of revenue, physical and environmental degradation of the region has risen to levels unknown in any other apart of the planet: much of the land laid to waste and made less and less available for arable farming; the waters and the air polluted; the villages, towns and cities made some of the rosst areas for infrastructures, employment opportunities and security of life and possessions in our country. And with regard to the sphere of political empowerment, since Nigeria struck it rich through the oil extracted from the region, the Niger Delta has remained one of the most marginal areas of the country in terms of effective distribution of power and influence within the nation’s political class. In some other aspects, our Niger Delta is also comparable to another colonial experience in Africa of the long night of the colonization of our continent, that of the so-called Bantustans of South Africa I the period of apartheid control of Black South Africans by the White minority Afrikaner and English communities. These Bantustans were the poorest areas of South Africa, with little or no infrastructures, little or no employment opportunities, little or no access to the economic and political centers of the national territory. Of course nothing like the forcible control of movement into and out of the Bantustans that the Whites imposed on Blacks in apartheid South Africa exist in the case of our Niger Delta, but there is a clear similarity, in each of these two cases, in the fact of severe economic, material impoverishment compared tot eh rest of the country. Considering all these details and realities of the shocking similarities of the Niger Delta to the worst cases of Western colonial exploitation and domination of Africa, it would seem both reasonable and justifiable that many individuals and organizations that are struggling for the just cause of the Niger Delta should –as they have done and no doubt will continue to do – use the term internal colonialism to describe the tragic experience of the region in the last fifty years. Which is why it is very surprising that many knowledgeable and progressive Nigerians from other parts of the country have either been indifferent or even hostile to the use of the term “colonialism” both to describe what has been happening in the Niger Delta in the last fifty years and to mobilize action to end it. What is implied, what is at stake in this indifference to or refusal of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta, especially now that the region is in the explosive, violent epicenter of the nation’s struggles to come to terms with our crippling endemic political and economic crises and problems? How far, and with usefulness will comparisons between the Niger Delta and the worst cases of Western colonialisation of our continent take us? These are the questions I wish to address in a series of essays over the next few weeks in this column. I personally think the use of the term, together with the comparisons it enables with all those cases of Portuguese, Belgian and Afrikaner colonial possessions and practices in Africa re very, very helpful in that many things that are otherwise extremely baffling, extremely strange in the politics and economy of our country become comprehensible and therefore hopefully more amenable to progressive change once we clarify the grounds of the comparison. But I am mindful of the fact that, for many reasons, many Nigerians would find the comparison unacceptable. Since I believe that much is at stake and much will be gained if the issues involved in this comparison are clarified, it is with great seriousness and objectivity that I will explore some of the reasons for the refusal of, or the indifference to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. Colonization, whether it is “internal”, external, or “neo” – as in neocolonialism – has been one of the most persistent and tragic economic, political and cultural means of domination in the modern history of hteneire planet in all its constitutive hemispheric regions in other words, colonization provides much of the explanation for why some nations and peoples became “developed” and “advanced” while others became “underdeveloped” and “backward” in the course modern political and economic history, Colonialism achieved its “classical” or prototypical form during the period of Western imperialist domination of the world, an age that is now clearly and effectively over, even if its ramifications and legacies are still very much with us. With the passing of that age, it has become far less easy or even logical to invoke the term “colonialism” in cases which seem to reproduce some of the essential or prototypical features in contexts other than Western domination of non-Western parts of the world as in the case of the Hutus and the Tutsis in Burundi and Rwanda, Darfur and in Sudan – and the Niger Delta in Nigeria. In next week’s column, I shall directly address some of the reasons why many Nigerians especially self-identified Nigerians, would be indifferent or hostile to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. But for now, let me conclude this week’s essay with some observations on why the comparison is helpful and hwy therefore all progressive Nigerians should at least pay some attention to it. These are preliminary observations that I will give further elaboration and clarification in the course of the series. The over-centralised state, with its seat of ower in the almighty presidency in Aso Rock, is possible at all because of the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. If this super-exploitation of this particular region ends, the over-centralised state which is so resistant to true federalism will not last one year, at the most. The over-concentration of wealth in a few hands in our country, one of the most extreme, obscene and unproductive in the world, is also dependent on the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. How all this relates to the issue of internal colonialism will be the subject of next week’s column, together with all the objections of the comparison of the Niger Delta crises to all those abominable cases of Western colonialism at its very worst on our continent. Biodun Jeyifo

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Opinion

NDDC: Time To Illuminate Homes 

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Quote:“Twenty-five years on, the Niger Delta cannot celebrate illuminated streets while families sit in darkness. Development must begin inside the home — where children study, businesses grow, and lives are built — before it glows on the roadside.”
The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established in 2000 with a clear and urgent mandate: to facilitate the rapid, even, and sustainable development of Nigeria’s oil-producing Niger Delta region. The creation of the Commission followed decades of agitation over environmental degradation, infrastructural neglect, and socio-economic marginalization in the region. Its core mandate included the development of roads, bridges, electricity, water supply, health facilities, education, housing, environmental remediation, and economic empowerment initiatives. At inception, expectations were high that the Commission would transform the Niger Delta into a model of regional development. Over the years, the NDDC has indeed implemented numerous projects across the nine Niger Delta states. Roads have been constructed and rehabilitated in several communities, easing transportation challenges.
Schools have been renovated, and new classroom blocks have been provided in underserved areas. Health centres have been built or upgraded, improving access to primary healthcare services. The Commission has also awarded scholarships to students, including foreign postgraduate scholarships, empowering thousands of youths academically.Skills acquisition and youth empowerment programmes have helped many young people gain vocational competencies.Through various interventions, the NDDC has contributed to job creation and local economic stimulation.Solar-powered street lighting projects have been widely implemented in urban and semi-urban communities. These streetlights have improved visibility at night and contributed to enhanced security in some areas. Markets, highways, and public spaces illuminated by solar lights have experienced extended business hours.
For these efforts, the Commission deserves acknowledgment and commendation. However, development must always align with foundational mandates and pressing grassroots realities. A growing concern among residents is that while streets are illuminated, many homes remain in darkness. Rural electrification and household power access remain inconsistent and inadequate across large parts of the region. In riverine and remote communities, families still rely on generators, kerosene lamps, or complete darkness after sunset. The irony of brightly lit streets juxtaposed with powerless homes cannot be ignored. Electricity at the household level directly impacts education, health, and small-scale enterprise. Students cannot effectively study at night without reliable indoor lighting.Families cannot preserve food or power essential appliances without stable electricity.
Micro and small businesses struggle to grow without dependable energy access. While street lighting enhances public aesthetics and security, it does not substitute for domestic electrification. The proverb “charity begins at home” is especially relevant in this context. True community development must first empower households before beautifying public spaces. The Commission’s original mandate emphasizes integrated and sustainable development, not isolated infrastructural gestures. Balanced development requires that energy interventions prioritize homes alongside streets. Solar technology presents a unique opportunity for decentralized household electrification in off-grid communities. Extending solar solutions to individual homes would have a transformative social impact. Home-based solar systems could power lights, fans, small appliances, and communication devices.
Such interventions would reduce poverty, improve living standards, and stimulate grassroots productivity. By broadening its energy focus, the Commission would better reflect the spirit of its founding legislation. This is not a call to abandon street lighting projects, which have their merits. Rather, it is an appeal for balance, inclusivity, and alignment with core developmental objectives. Strategic planning should ensure that rural electrification and household access form a central pillar of ongoing interventions. Community engagement and needs assessments can help determine priority areas for household solar deployment. Twenty-five years after its establishment, the NDDC stands at a reflective moment in its institutional journey. The people of the Niger Delta say: thank you for the efforts so far—but not very much—because true appreciation will come when development begins at home and radiates outward, not merely when streets shine while houses remain in darkness.
By: King Onunwor
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Opinion

When Democracy Becomes Too Expensive

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Quote: “When elections become investments to be recovered, governance turns transactional and the moral foundation of democracy begins to erode.”
The high cost of participating in politics in Nigeria remains a serious and growing concern. The trend is rising so sharply that democratic competition increasingly risks becoming the preserve of a wealthy few. From exorbitant party nomination fees to campaign logistics, media exposure, litigation expenses, and regulatory charges such as the proposed ?150 million campaign advertising permit reportedly introduced in Enugu under Governor Peter Mbah, the financial barriers to public office are steadily hardening. If not addressed, this trajectory could erode inclusion, weaken electoral credibility, and deepen corruption within the political system.
Money has always played a role in politics. Elections require funding for mobilisation, communication and administration, while political parties need resources to organise primaries and reach voters across the nation’s diverse terrain. However, when financial demands become excessive, they cease to be necessities and instead become structural barriers that exclude capable citizens from participation.
The Enugu situation provides a troubling case study. Reports indicate that the Enugu State Structures for Signage and Advertisement Agency (ENSSAA) announced a mandatory ?150 million advertising permit fee for parties and candidates participating in the 2026 local government and 2027 general elections. According to the agency’s General Manager, Francis Aninwike, the fee would permit deployment of campaign materials — banners, branded vehicles, T-shirts and handbills — and street rallies, with sanctions for non-compliance.
One is compelled to ask: how can someone vying for office be required to pay ?150 million merely as an advertising permit, separate from nomination forms and other logistics? Where would a civil servant, a teacher earning N70,000 minimum wage, or a young graduate eager to serve find such a sum? How can ordinary citizens compete in a system demanding such staggering outlays?
An opposition party has described the steep fee as a ploy by the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Enugu State to stifle opposition participation. Whether sustained or not, the perception is damaging. Aside from incumbents or those backed by powerful interests, how many candidates can realistically afford ?150 million solely for advertising clearance?
There is no dispute that state agencies have legitimate responsibilities. Regulating outdoor advertising and preventing visual pollution are valid objectives. However, such regulation should not come at a heavy cost to Nigeria’s fragile democracy. The Aninwike-led ENSSAA and similar bodies must recognise that while regulation is necessary, affordability is essential for democratic participation.
The constitutional framework recognises the central role of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in ensuring free and fair elections. Yet formal administration is only part of the democratic equation. Informal financial pressures — delegate inducements, media monetisation, security logistics and post-election litigation — already multiply the cost of contesting beyond official limits. Massive campaign-related fees further compound an expensive process.
Recent findings presented at a policy engagement organised by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy in Abuja underscored the gravity of the situation. House of Representatives Minority Leader Kingsley Chinda warned that Nigerian politics is becoming an elite preserve in which only those with deep pockets can compete. Access to vast financial resources, he argued, has become a near precondition for political viability, transforming what should be a civic right into an expensive venture.
He noted that politics in Nigeria has been thoroughly monetised, systematically pricing out women, youth and persons with disabilities — the very groups policy frameworks claim to uplift.
The implications are disturbing. In a context where elections are viewed as investments, public office becomes a site of capital recovery. Contracts are inflated, appointments monetised, and governance turns transactional. What emerges is a vicious cycle: only the wealthy can contest, and once in office, they seek to recoup their investment, deepening public cynicism and eroding the moral basis of governance.
Although some parties waived nomination fees for women in 2017 and 2023, and parties such as the Young Progressive Party were formed to promote youth participation, exorbitant campaign expenditures continue to sideline many aspirants. Women accounted for only about 8.4 per cent of candidates in the 2023 general elections, with similarly low youth representation.
The cumulative effect is dangerous. When political entry is determined primarily by financial capacity rather than competence or vision, the recruitment pool narrows drastically. Talented professionals and grassroots organisers may never appear on ballots simply because they cannot afford the price of entry. A system that filters out merit while rewarding wealth weakens governance outcomes.
Nigeria must therefore treat rising electoral costs not as routine complaints but as democratic stability concerns. Political parties should drastically reduce nomination fees, especially for women, youth and persons with disabilities. Transparent fundraising and spending disclosures should replace opaque financing structures.
Regulatory agencies must balance administrative control with democratic openness. Campaign advertising fees should be proportionate and structured in ways that do not create artificial barriers. INEC and other enforcement institutions must strengthen monitoring of spending ceilings and apply meaningful sanctions for violations.
Civil society, the media and professional bodies also have critical roles to play. Public discourse should prioritise issue-based campaigns rather than money-driven spectacle.
Ultimately, democracy thrives not merely when elections are conducted, but when they are genuinely accessible. Political participation must remain a civic right, not a luxury commodity. Nigeria’s democratic journey cannot afford to drift into a system where leadership selection depends primarily on financial muscle rather than merit and service.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Righteous Leadership Still Thrives

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Quote: “Institutional decay is not irreversible when integrity and action sit at the helm.”
In every institution, there comes a defining moment when leadership either deepens decline or inspires rebirth. For the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation (Publishers of The Tide), that defining moment arrived when the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Information, Sir. Honour Sirawoo Ph.D, came to share the premises with the Staff of The Corporation due to the ongoing renovation work at the State Secretariat. For years, the physical condition of the corporation mirrored the uncertainty that hung in the air. Leaking roofs told silent stories during the rainy season, damaged floors bore the weight of neglect, and the once vibrant environment seemed to plead for urgent attention. Staff members worked under conditions that tested both resilience and commitment. Buckets placed strategically to catch dripping water became a routine sight at some quarters, while cracked tiles and weathered walls diminished the pride that should accompany service in a state-owned media institution.
Yet, in the midst of these challenges, hope was not entirely lost. There remained a collective belief that with purposeful leadership, restoration was possible. That hope found expression when Honour Sirawoo Ph.D., Permanent Secretary in the Rivers State Ministry of Information, assumed as a co-occupier. His arrival was quiet, but his impact would soon resonate loudly across the premises.Leadership, it is often said, is not about occupying an office but about occupying responsibility. From his earliest inspections of the corporation’s facilities, it became evident that he saw not just buildings in disrepair, but a workforce deserving of dignity.The transformation began swiftly. Contractors appeared on site. Assessments were carried out with precision. Plans were not merely announced; they were implemented. Leaking roofs that had long defied repair were carefully amended.
For the first time in years, staff could listen to rainfall without anxiety. Damaged floors were reconstructed, restoring both safety and aesthetics. Walking through the corridors no longer required cautious navigation around broken surfaces. The fencing of the premises, once a pressing security concern, became a priority. A properly secured environment now speaks of order, responsibility, and foresight. General maintenance, often overlooked in public institutions, was institutionalized. From structural reinforcements to aesthetic upgrades, the corporation began to wear a new look. But beyond bricks and mortar, something deeper changed. Morale improved. Staff productivity increased. The psychological boost of working in a conducive environment cannot be overstated. The transformation has not merely been cosmetic; it has been cultural.
 Workers now speak with renewed pride about their workplace. Visitors to the premises have noticed the difference. The once tired-looking structures now stand as testimony to what decisive leadership can accomplish. In governance, righteousness is reflected in fairness, diligence, and a genuine concern for people. These virtues have characterized the stewardship of Honour Sirawoo Ph.D.His approach demonstrates that public office is a sacred trust, not a ceremonial title. He has shown that administrative leadership can be both compassionate and result-driven.The improvements at the corporation align with a broader vision of strengthening information dissemination in Rivers State. A vibrant media institution is essential for democratic growth.By restoring the physical infrastructure of The Tide, he has indirectly strengthened the voice of the state. Journalists and editors now operate in an atmosphere that encourages excellence.
It is often said that environment influences output. The recent editions and renewed energy within the newsroom reflect this truth. When righteous leadership prevails, systems respond positively. Accountability replaces complacency, and progress becomes measurable. Honour Sirawoo Ph.D. has exemplified a leadership style rooted in integrity and practical action. He did not merely acknowledge problems; he confronted them. Such commitment deserves recognition beyond routine commendation. It speaks to a capacity for higher responsibilities within the state’s administrative architecture. Rivers State stands at a critical juncture where visionary administrators are needed across ministries and agencies. Leaders who understand that development begins with attention to detail are invaluable. The transformation at the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation serves as a case study in responsive governance. It proves that institutional decay is not irreversible.
Higher positions of trust demand proven competence, moral uprightness, and administrative foresight. In these respects, Honour Sirawoo Ph.D. has demonstrated remarkable readiness. His performance suggests suitability not only for continued leadership within the Ministry of Information but also for broader strategic roles that shape state policy. Beyond the state, Nigeria’s public service landscape requires administrators who combine academic depth with practical efficiency. His credentials and achievements place him in that league. “When the righteous bear rule, the people rejoice” is more than a biblical aphorism; it is a lived experience within the corporation today. The chapter of the Holy Bible that declares, “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice”, (Proverbs 29:2), is a timeless reminder that good governance brings joy and stability to the people.
The joy of the staff is visible in their renewed dedication. The pride of ownership has returned. The institution breathes again. History often remembers leaders not for speeches but for tangible impact. The restored roofs, repaired floors, secured fences, and ongoing maintenance are enduring symbols of purposeful governance. The place started its journey to new looks with the arrival of the acting General Manager, Stella Gbaraba, who in her little way, initiated and executed some repair works in the premises. It will be worthy to point out that the duo are of the Ogoni extraction of the state, it is then safe to say that the combination is superb in that it has produced some excellent results. Importantly, the Permanent Secretary did not stop at The Tide Newspaper premises alone. His vision of renewal extended beyond a single institution to embrace all the State owned media houses under the ministry’s supervision.
At Rivers State Television, he executed massive renovation works that redefined the operational environment. Offices were upgraded, structural defects corrected, and modern standards restored to a facility that serves as a visual voice of the state. State-of-the-art office equipment were procured to enhance efficiency, ensuring that staff members could perform their duties with contemporary tools befitting a modern broadcast station. Radio Rivers too also got its own share of the Permanent Secretary’s benevolence and team spirit. Understanding the strategic importance of radio in grassroots communication, he ensured that critical infrastructure received attention. He provided them with steady power supply, reducing the interruptions that once hampered seamless broadcasting and ensuring consistency in programming delivery.
A functional Out Broadcast Van (OB Van) was made available, expanding the station’s capacity for live coverage of events across the state and beyond. The studios were upgraded to be up-to-date, improving sound quality, technical operations, and overall broadcast standards in line with modern expectations. Garden City Radio equally got its own touch in a superlative way. Renovation, equipment upgrades, and operational enhancements positioned the station on a stronger footing. Across the board, his interventions were not selective but comprehensive, reflecting a leadership philosophy anchored on inclusiveness and institutional strengthening. His target generally is to leave the State-owned media houses in a better shape than he met them. That objective is not rhetorical; it is practical and measurable in bricks, cables, studios, offices, and renewed human confidence.
By strengthening television, radio, and print under one coordinated vision, he has reinforced the information architecture of Rivers State. The cumulative effect of these interventions is a more vibrant, responsive, and professional state media system capable of meeting contemporary communication demands. As the Rivers State Newspaper Corporation along side its sister state-owned media houses continue their journey, it does so strengthened by the evidence that righteous leadership still thrives. And indeed, when the righteous bear rule, the people truly rejoice.
By: King Onunwor
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