Opinion
Internal Colonialism In The Niger Delta?
The heartless, irascible child who keeps his mother awake all night long will himself not know sleep throughout the night. Yoruba proverb. In all the essential details, the Niger Delta in the last half of a century since Nigeria became one of the big oil exporting nations of the world remarkably resembles the Portuguese ad Belgian colonial possession in Africa in the heyday of Western imperial domination of our continent; in particular, the Niger Delta most especially resembles the then called Belgian Congo. Compared to the French and British colonies, in these Portuguese and Belgian colonies, Africans were far more exploited, far more arrogantly and brutally governed. In the economic sphere, the colonial territory was literally and effectively mined for all its most highly valued natural resources and nothing much was put back to develop there land and the people to whom it historically belonged. In fact, in most cases, the land and the peoples I these Portuguese and Belgian colonies were left far worse by the super-exploitation of the colonizers than they had been before the arrival of the colonial overlords and their mining and trading companies. In the political sphere, the kinds and levels of self-governance and self-rule that the British and the French gradually introduced in their colonies were near absent in the Portuguese and Belgian colonies; the only kind of self-rule that was tolerated was any kind that could make the exploitation of the land, the resources and the people more effective, more profitable for there colonizer. Any Nigerian who does not know that these are the same sort of things that have been happening in our Niger Delta in the last fifty years is grossly and tragically uninformed. In the last fifty years since oil prospecting in the Niger Delta not only became big time oil exportation but also became overwhelmingly the country’s main source of revenue, physical and environmental degradation of the region has risen to levels unknown in any other apart of the planet: much of the land laid to waste and made less and less available for arable farming; the waters and the air polluted; the villages, towns and cities made some of the rosst areas for infrastructures, employment opportunities and security of life and possessions in our country. And with regard to the sphere of political empowerment, since Nigeria struck it rich through the oil extracted from the region, the Niger Delta has remained one of the most marginal areas of the country in terms of effective distribution of power and influence within the nation’s political class. In some other aspects, our Niger Delta is also comparable to another colonial experience in Africa of the long night of the colonization of our continent, that of the so-called Bantustans of South Africa I the period of apartheid control of Black South Africans by the White minority Afrikaner and English communities. These Bantustans were the poorest areas of South Africa, with little or no infrastructures, little or no employment opportunities, little or no access to the economic and political centers of the national territory. Of course nothing like the forcible control of movement into and out of the Bantustans that the Whites imposed on Blacks in apartheid South Africa exist in the case of our Niger Delta, but there is a clear similarity, in each of these two cases, in the fact of severe economic, material impoverishment compared tot eh rest of the country. Considering all these details and realities of the shocking similarities of the Niger Delta to the worst cases of Western colonial exploitation and domination of Africa, it would seem both reasonable and justifiable that many individuals and organizations that are struggling for the just cause of the Niger Delta should –as they have done and no doubt will continue to do – use the term internal colonialism to describe the tragic experience of the region in the last fifty years. Which is why it is very surprising that many knowledgeable and progressive Nigerians from other parts of the country have either been indifferent or even hostile to the use of the term “colonialism” both to describe what has been happening in the Niger Delta in the last fifty years and to mobilize action to end it. What is implied, what is at stake in this indifference to or refusal of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta, especially now that the region is in the explosive, violent epicenter of the nation’s struggles to come to terms with our crippling endemic political and economic crises and problems? How far, and with usefulness will comparisons between the Niger Delta and the worst cases of Western colonialisation of our continent take us? These are the questions I wish to address in a series of essays over the next few weeks in this column. I personally think the use of the term, together with the comparisons it enables with all those cases of Portuguese, Belgian and Afrikaner colonial possessions and practices in Africa re very, very helpful in that many things that are otherwise extremely baffling, extremely strange in the politics and economy of our country become comprehensible and therefore hopefully more amenable to progressive change once we clarify the grounds of the comparison. But I am mindful of the fact that, for many reasons, many Nigerians would find the comparison unacceptable. Since I believe that much is at stake and much will be gained if the issues involved in this comparison are clarified, it is with great seriousness and objectivity that I will explore some of the reasons for the refusal of, or the indifference to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. Colonization, whether it is “internal”, external, or “neo” – as in neocolonialism – has been one of the most persistent and tragic economic, political and cultural means of domination in the modern history of hteneire planet in all its constitutive hemispheric regions in other words, colonization provides much of the explanation for why some nations and peoples became “developed” and “advanced” while others became “underdeveloped” and “backward” in the course modern political and economic history, Colonialism achieved its “classical” or prototypical form during the period of Western imperialist domination of the world, an age that is now clearly and effectively over, even if its ramifications and legacies are still very much with us. With the passing of that age, it has become far less easy or even logical to invoke the term “colonialism” in cases which seem to reproduce some of the essential or prototypical features in contexts other than Western domination of non-Western parts of the world as in the case of the Hutus and the Tutsis in Burundi and Rwanda, Darfur and in Sudan – and the Niger Delta in Nigeria. In next week’s column, I shall directly address some of the reasons why many Nigerians especially self-identified Nigerians, would be indifferent or hostile to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. But for now, let me conclude this week’s essay with some observations on why the comparison is helpful and hwy therefore all progressive Nigerians should at least pay some attention to it. These are preliminary observations that I will give further elaboration and clarification in the course of the series. The over-centralised state, with its seat of ower in the almighty presidency in Aso Rock, is possible at all because of the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. If this super-exploitation of this particular region ends, the over-centralised state which is so resistant to true federalism will not last one year, at the most. The over-concentration of wealth in a few hands in our country, one of the most extreme, obscene and unproductive in the world, is also dependent on the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. How all this relates to the issue of internal colonialism will be the subject of next week’s column, together with all the objections of the comparison of the Niger Delta crises to all those abominable cases of Western colonialism at its very worst on our continent. Biodun Jeyifo
The line that separates betrayal and corruption is very thin. Betrayal and corruption are two sides of the same coin. Like the snail and its shell they are almost inseparable. They go hand-in-globe. Betrayal and corruption are instinctive in humans and they are birthed by people with inordinate ambition – people without principles, without regard for ethical standards and values. Looking back to the days of Jesus Christ, one of his high profile disciples-the treasurer, was a betrayer. Judas Iscariot betrayed Jesus Christ for just 30 pieces of silver. One of the characteristics of betrayers is greed.
So, when on resumption from his imposed suspension, the Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminilayi Fubara threatened to bring permanent secretaries who were found complicit in “defrauding” the State during the days of Locust and Caterpillar regime, he did not only decry a loot of the Treasury but the emotional trauma of betrayal perpetrated by those who swore to uphold the ethics of the civil service. Governor Siminilayi Fubara had least expected that those who feigned loyalty to his administration would soon become co-travellers with an alien administration whose activities were repugnant to the “Rivers First” mantra of his administration. The saying that if you want to prove the genuineness of a person’s love and loyalty feign death, finds consummate expression in the Governor Fubara and some of the key members of the State engine room
Some of those who professed love for Governor Siminilayi Fubara and Rivers State could not resist the lure and enticement of office in the dark days of Rivers State, like Judas Iscariot. Rather, they chose to identify with the locusts and the caterpillars for their selfish interest. Julius Caesar did not die from the stab of Brutus but by his emotional attachment to him, hence he exclaimed in utter disappointment, “Even you Brutus”. The wound of betrayal never heals and the scar is indelible. Unfortunately, today, because of gross moral turpitude and declension in ethical standards and values, betrayal and corruption are celebrated and rewarded. Corruption, a bane of civil/public service is sublime in betrayal. The quest to get more at the expense of the people is the root of betrayal and sabotage.
This explains why Nigeria at 65 is the World’s capital of poverty.
Nigeria is not a poor country, yet, millions are living in hunger, abject poverty and avoidable misery. What an irony. Nigeria, one of Africa’s largest economies and most populous nation is naturally endowed with 44 mineral resources, found in 500 geographical locations in commercial quantity across the country. According to Nigeria’s former Minister for Mines and Steel Development, Olamiekan Adegbite, the mineral resources include: baryte, kaolin, gymsium, feldspar, limestone, coal, bitumen, lignite, uranium, gold, cassiterite, columbite, iron ore, lead, zinc, copper, granite, laterite, sapphire, tourmaline, emerald, topaz, amethyst, gamer, etc. Nigeria has a vast uncultivated arable land even as its geographical area is approximately 923, 769 sq km (356,669 sq ml).
“This clearly demonstrates the wide mineral spectrum we are endowed with, which offers limitless opportunities along the value-chain, for job creation, revenue growth. Nigeria provides one of the highest rates of return because its minerals are closer to the suffer”, Adegbite said. Therefore, poverty in Nigeria is not the consequences of lack of resources and manpower but inequality, misappropriation, outright embezzlement, barefaced corruption that is systemic and normative in leaders and public institutions. According to the World Poverty Clock 2023, Nigeria has the awful distinction of being the world capital of poverty with about 84 million people living in extreme poverty today.
The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) data also revealed that a total of 133 million people in Nigeria are classed as multi-dimensionally poor. Unemployment is a major challenge in the country. About 33 percent of the labour force are unable to find a job at the prevailing wage rate. About 63 percent of the population are poor because of lack of access to health, education, employment, and security. Nigeria Economic Summit Group (NESG) speculated that unemployment rate will increase to 37 percent in 2023. The implications, therefore, is increase in unemployment will translate to increase in the poverty rate. The World Bank, a Washington-based and a multi-lateral development institution, in its macro-poverty outlook for Nigeria for April 2023 projected that 13 million Nigerians will fall below the National Poverty line by 2025.
It further stated that the removal of subsidy on petroleum products without palliatives will result to 101 million people being poor in Nigeria. Statistics also show that “in 2023 nearly 12 percent of the world population of extreme poverty lived in Nigeria, considering poverty threshold at 1.90 US dollars a day”.Taking a cursory look at the Nigerian Development Update (NDU), the World Bank said “four million Nigerians were pushed into poverty between January and June 2023 and 7.1 million more will join if the removal of subsidy is not adequately managed.” These startling revelations paint a grim and bleak future for the social-economic life of the people.The alarming poverty in the country is a conspiracy of several factors, including corruption. In January, 2023 the global anti-corruption watchdog, Transparency International, in its annual corruption prospect index which ranks the perceived level of public sector corruption across 180 countries in the world says Nigeria ranked 150 among 180 in the index. Conversely, Nigeria is the 30th most corrupt nation in the ranking. It is also the capital of unemployment in the world.
Truth be told: a Government that is corruption-ridden lacks the capacity to build a vibrant economy that will provide employment for the teeming unemployed population. So crime and criminality become inevitable. No wonder, the incessant cases of violent crimes and delinquency among young people. Corruption seems to be the second nature of Nigeria as a nation . At the root of Nigerians’ poverty is the corruption cankerworm.How the nation got to this sordid economic and social precipice is the accumulation of years of corrupt practices with impunity by successive administrations. But the hardship Nigerians are experiencing gathered momentum between 2015 and 2023 and reached the climax few days after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who assumed power as president of Nigeria, removed the controversial petroleum subsidy. Since then, there is astronomical increase in transport fares, and prices of commodities. Living standard of most Nigerians is abysmally low, essential commodities are out of reach of the poor masses who barely eat once a day.
The Dollar to Naira exchange rate ratio at one dollar to N1,000, is the most economy-unfriendly in the annals of the history of Nigeria. The prohibitive prices of petroleum products with the attendant multi-dimensional challenges following the removal of the subsidy, has posed a nightmare better to be imagined than experienced. Inflation, has been on the increase, negatively affecting the purchasing power of low income Nigerians. Contributing to the poverty scourge is the low private investment due to.unfriendly business environment and lack of power supply, as well as low social development outcomes resulting in low productivity. The developed economies of the world are private sector-driven. So the inadequate involvement of the private sector in Nigeria’s economy, is a leading cause of unemployment which inevitably translates to poverty.
Igbiki Benibo
In today’s fast-paced, hyper-competitive world, the pursuit of success and growth has become an all-consuming force. Individuals, organisations, and nations alike, are locked in a perpetual struggle to achieve more, earn more, and surpass their rivals. Yet, beneath this relentless drive for progress lies a silent danger—the risk of self-destruction. This perilous pattern, which I call the self-destruct trajectory, describes the path taken when ambition and growth are pursued without restraint, awareness, or moral balance. The self-destruct trajectory is fueled by an insatiable hunger for more—a mindset that glorifies endless expansion while disregarding the boundaries of ethics, sustainability, and human well-being. At first glance, it may appear to promise prosperity and achievement. After all, ambition has long been celebrated as a virtue. But when growth becomes the only goal, it mutates into obsession.
Individuals burn out, organisations lose their soul, and societies begin to fracture under the weight of their own excesses. The consequences are everywhere. People pushed beyond their limits face anxiety, exhaustion, and disconnection. Companies sacrifice employee welfare and social responsibility on the altar of profit. The entire ecosystems suffer as forests are cleared, oceans polluted, and air poisoned in the name of economic progress. The collapse of financial systems, widening income inequality, and global environmental crises are all symptoms of this same relentless, self-consuming pursuit. To understand this dynamic, one can turn to literature—and to Charles Dickens’ Oliver Twist. In one of the novel’s most haunting scenes, young Oliver, starving in the workhouse, dares to utter the words: “Please, sir, I want some more.” This simple plea encapsulates the essence of human desire—the urge for more. But it also mirrors the perilous craving that drives the self-destruct trajectory. Like Oliver, society keeps asking for “more”—more wealth, more power, more success—without considering the consequences of endless wanting.
The workhouse itself symbolises the system of constraints and boundaries that ambition often seeks to defy. Oliver’s courage to ask for more represents the daring spirit of human aspiration—but it also exposes the risk of defying limits without reflection. Mr. Bumble, the cruel overseer, obsessed with authority and control, embodies the darker forces that sustain this destructive cycle: greed, pride, and the illusion of dominance. Through this lens, Dickens’ tale becomes a timeless metaphor for the modern condition—a warning about what happens when ambition blinds compassion and growth eclipses humanity. Avoiding the self-destruct trajectory requires a radical rethinking about success. True progress should not be measured solely by accumulation, but by balance—by how growth serves people, planet, and purpose.
This calls for a more holistic approach to achievement, one that values sustainability, empathy, and integrity alongside innovation and expansion
Individuals must learn to pace their pursuit of goals, embracing rest, reflection, and meaningful relationships as part of a full life. The discipline of “enough”—knowing when to stop striving and start appreciating—can restore both mental well-being and moral clarity. Organisations, on their part, must reimagine what it means to succeed: prioritising employee welfare, practising environmental stewardship, and embedding social responsibility in the core of their mission. Governments and policymakers also play a vital role. They can champion sustainable development through laws and incentives that reward ethical practices and environmental responsibility. By investing in education, renewable energy, and equitable economic systems, they help ensure that ambition is channeled toward collective benefit rather than collective ruin.
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) provides a tangible pathway for this transformation. When businesses take ownership of their social and environmental impact—reducing carbon footprints, supporting local communities, and promoting fair labour—they not only strengthen society but also secure their own long-term stability. Sustainable profit is, after all, the only kind that endures. Ultimately, avoiding the self-destruct trajectory is not about rejecting ambition—it is about redefining it. Ambition must evolve from a self-centred hunger for more into a shared pursuit of the better. We must shift from growth at all costs to growth with conscience. The future will belong not to those who expand endlessly, but to those who expand wisely. By embracing restraint, compassion, and sustainability, we can break free from the cycle of self-destruction and create a new narrative—one where success uplifts rather than consumes, and where progress builds rather than burns.
In the end, the question is not whether we can grow, but whether we can grow without losing ourselves. The choice is ours: to continue along the self-destruct trajectory, or to chart a more balanced, humane, and enduring path toward greatness.
Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
