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Internal Colonialism In The Niger Delta?

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The heartless, irascible child who keeps his mother awake all night long will himself not know sleep throughout the night. Yoruba proverb. In all the essential details, the Niger Delta in the last half of a century since Nigeria became one of the big oil exporting nations of the world remarkably resembles the Portuguese ad Belgian colonial possession in Africa in the heyday of Western imperial domination of our continent; in particular, the Niger Delta most especially resembles the then called Belgian Congo. Compared to the French and British colonies, in these Portuguese and Belgian colonies, Africans were far more exploited, far more arrogantly and brutally governed. In the economic sphere, the colonial territory was literally and effectively mined for all its most highly valued natural resources and nothing much was put back to develop there land and the people to whom it historically belonged. In fact, in most cases, the land and the peoples I these Portuguese and Belgian colonies were left far worse by the super-exploitation of the colonizers than they had been before the arrival of the colonial overlords and their mining and trading companies. In the political sphere, the kinds and levels of self-governance and self-rule that the British and the French gradually introduced in their colonies were near absent in the Portuguese and Belgian colonies; the only kind of self-rule that was tolerated was any kind that could make the exploitation of the land, the resources and the people more effective, more profitable for there colonizer. Any Nigerian who does not know that these are the same sort of things that have been happening in our Niger Delta in the last fifty years is grossly and tragically uninformed. In the last fifty years since oil prospecting in the Niger Delta not only became big time oil exportation but also became overwhelmingly the country’s main source of revenue, physical and environmental degradation of the region has risen to levels unknown in any other apart of the planet: much of the land laid to waste and made less and less available for arable farming; the waters and the air polluted; the villages, towns and cities made some of the rosst areas for infrastructures, employment opportunities and security of life and possessions in our country. And with regard to the sphere of political empowerment, since Nigeria struck it rich through the oil extracted from the region, the Niger Delta has remained one of the most marginal areas of the country in terms of effective distribution of power and influence within the nation’s political class. In some other aspects, our Niger Delta is also comparable to another colonial experience in Africa of the long night of the colonization of our continent, that of the so-called Bantustans of South Africa I the period of apartheid control of Black South Africans by the White minority Afrikaner and English communities. These Bantustans were the poorest areas of South Africa, with little or no infrastructures, little or no employment opportunities, little or no access to the economic and political centers of the national territory. Of course nothing like the forcible control of movement into and out of the Bantustans that the Whites imposed on Blacks in apartheid South Africa exist in the case of our Niger Delta, but there is a clear similarity, in each of these two cases, in the fact of severe economic, material impoverishment compared tot eh rest of the country. Considering all these details and realities of the shocking similarities of the Niger Delta to the worst cases of Western colonial exploitation and domination of Africa, it would seem both reasonable and justifiable that many individuals and organizations that are struggling for the just cause of the Niger Delta should –as they have done and no doubt will continue to do – use the term internal colonialism to describe the tragic experience of the region in the last fifty years. Which is why it is very surprising that many knowledgeable and progressive Nigerians from other parts of the country have either been indifferent or even hostile to the use of the term “colonialism” both to describe what has been happening in the Niger Delta in the last fifty years and to mobilize action to end it. What is implied, what is at stake in this indifference to or refusal of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta, especially now that the region is in the explosive, violent epicenter of the nation’s struggles to come to terms with our crippling endemic political and economic crises and problems? How far, and with usefulness will comparisons between the Niger Delta and the worst cases of Western colonialisation of our continent take us? These are the questions I wish to address in a series of essays over the next few weeks in this column. I personally think the use of the term, together with the comparisons it enables with all those cases of Portuguese, Belgian and Afrikaner colonial possessions and practices in Africa re very, very helpful in that many things that are otherwise extremely baffling, extremely strange in the politics and economy of our country become comprehensible and therefore hopefully more amenable to progressive change once we clarify the grounds of the comparison. But I am mindful of the fact that, for many reasons, many Nigerians would find the comparison unacceptable. Since I believe that much is at stake and much will be gained if the issues involved in this comparison are clarified, it is with great seriousness and objectivity that I will explore some of the reasons for the refusal of, or the indifference to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. Colonization, whether it is “internal”, external, or “neo” – as in neocolonialism – has been one of the most persistent and tragic economic, political and cultural means of domination in the modern history of hteneire planet in all its constitutive hemispheric regions in other words, colonization provides much of the explanation for why some nations and peoples became “developed” and “advanced” while others became “underdeveloped” and “backward” in the course modern political and economic history, Colonialism achieved its “classical” or prototypical form during the period of Western imperialist domination of the world, an age that is now clearly and effectively over, even if its ramifications and legacies are still very much with us. With the passing of that age, it has become far less easy or even logical to invoke the term “colonialism” in cases which seem to reproduce some of the essential or prototypical features in contexts other than Western domination of non-Western parts of the world as in the case of the Hutus and the Tutsis in Burundi and Rwanda, Darfur and in Sudan – and the Niger Delta in Nigeria. In next week’s column, I shall directly address some of the reasons why many Nigerians especially self-identified Nigerians, would be indifferent or hostile to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. But for now, let me conclude this week’s essay with some observations on why the comparison is helpful and hwy therefore all progressive Nigerians should at least pay some attention to it. These are preliminary observations that I will give further elaboration and clarification in the course of the series. The over-centralised state, with its seat of ower in the almighty presidency in Aso Rock, is possible at all because of the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. If this super-exploitation of this particular region ends, the over-centralised state which is so resistant to true federalism will not last one year, at the most. The over-concentration of wealth in a few hands in our country, one of the most extreme, obscene and unproductive in the world, is also dependent on the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. How all this relates to the issue of internal colonialism will be the subject of next week’s column, together with all the objections of the comparison of the Niger Delta crises to all those abominable cases of Western colonialism at its very worst on our continent. Biodun Jeyifo

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Opinion

Nigerian English As Nation-Building Tool

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In the ongoing search for viable tools of national development, Nigeria has often overlooked one of its most potent, indigenous resources: Nigerian English (NE). At the intersection of our multilingual heritage and postcolonial reality lies a unique variety of English shaped by the tongues, textures, and tensions of our society. Far from being bad English or a mere deviation from British and or American standards, Nigerian English already recognised by Oxford English Dictionary is a legitimate, living linguistic identity colourfully crafted by our culture, history, and communicative needs. It is a vibrant testament to our collective identity, far more than just a dialect. It is a language woven into the fabric of our daily lives, reflecting our unique history, diverse culture, life style and shared experiences. From the rhythmic cadence of our spoken word to the expressive idioms and proverbs that salt and spice our daily conversations. Indeed, Nigerian English embodies our distinct ways of seeing and interacting with the world at large. It is the language of our markets, our music, our literature and our homes, a powerful and unifying force that proudly declares who we are as Nigerians.
As both a scholar of World Englishes and a keen observer of Nigeria’s socio-political landscape, I contend that Nigerian English properly recognised, adopted , adapted, standardised, and strategically deployed holds immense promise for solving the nation’s challenges in education, economic growth, national unity, and all round inclusive development.
It is time to legitimise Nigerian English, not merely as a medium of instruction but as a strategic tool for reimagining our collective progress.
Education: Bridging Access and Relevance.
Nigeria’s educational system continues to suffer from a fundamental disconnect between curriculum content and learners’ every day experiences. Much of this disconnect stems from the rigid, often artificial imposition of ‘standard’ British English norms in classrooms that are otherwise deeply Nigerian in cultural and linguistic texture. The result? Students are forced to think, read, and write in a language that is alien to their sociocultural context. Many perform poorly not due to a lack of intelligence or potential, but because their cognitive environments are estranged from the medium of instruction. Nigerian English, with its lexical innovations (e.g., “go-slow,” “flash,” “gist”), semantic shifts, and pragmatic norms, offers a more intuitive, accessible bridge to learning example in foundational literacy, civic education, and community-based pedagogy. A deliberate incorporation of Nigerian English in teaching materials, especially at the nursery, primary and secondary levels, would not only improve comprehension but also affirm learners’ identities. A child who sees their speech patterns represented in textbooks and examinations is more likely to believe in the value of their intellect and voice.
Economic Empowerment: Language for Inclusion and Participation
English remains the language of official documentation, digital platforms, trade, and business in Nigeria. However, the language variety typically promoted in these spaces often alienates the very people it seeks to empower. Entrepreneurs in local markets, artisans, small-scale farmers, and tech-savvy youths from informal sectors speak Nigerian English yet economic literacy campaigns, banking systems, and tech applications are delivered in overly formal, standardized registers. By recognising and integrating Nigerian English into economic discourse particularly in digital financial education, vocational training, and SME development, we can bridge this gap. Language is access, the basic purpose of language is communication. Simplified, localised, and culturally resonant English will improve financial inclusion, digital participation, and the reach of national economic initiatives. It is not a simplification of content but a sophistication of access.
In a nation, Nigerian English is the only unifying code across ethnic, regional, and social lines including the elite class. While our indigenous languages remain invaluable repositories of culture and identity, Nigerian English offers a shared space of communication, a common linguistic currency. More than pidgin, which still carries socio-linguistic stigma in formal settings,
Nigerian English exists as an organic hybrid carrying the intelligibility of international English, while being grounded in Nigerian expressions, metaphors, and mannerisms.
It is a language that has evolved to carry our jokes, our frustrations, our politics, and our aspirations. By officially embracing Nigerian English as a pedagogically acceptable, nationally relevant variety, we affirm a sense of ownership in our shared national voice. Policies that legitimise Nigerian English in media, literature, and even public service communication would further enhance our sense of collective identity and belonging.
National Growth and Development: Rewriting the Nigerian Narrative Language is not neutral, it shapes perception, policy, and potential. Nigerian English, as a symbol of postcolonial linguistic agency, allows us to narrate our own realities rather than borrowing idioms of development from other nations. From Nollywood scripts and Afrobeats lyrics to the daily banter in markets and parliament, NE has given Nigerians a way to own and export their narratives. Ignoring this linguistic resource in our development agenda is to continue importing frameworks of growth that do not fit our reality. Let us promote Nigerian English in local tech start-ups, international diplomacy, cultural exports, and educational policies. In doing so, we redefine what it means to be globally relevant and locally rooted.
It is time for the National Council on Education, curriculum developers, university faculties, media regulators, policymakers and indeed government to begin a deliberate process of codifying and standardising Nigerian English, taking into account its lexical features, phonology, pragmatics, and stylistic markers. The goal is not to replace international Englishes but to establish our own legitimate variety within the global Englishes spectrum. Let us be bold enough to teach in the English we speak, write policies in the English we live by, and train future generations to embrace their linguistic heritage not as a limitation, but as a launchpad for transformation. In our tongue lies our strength. Nigerian English is not bad English, broken or Pidgin English; it is our own English, our identity language, a reality picture of who we are and represent. And most importantly, it is a very powerful development tool we have yet to fully embrace.

Nneka Emeka-Duru
Dr.  Emeka-Duru, a World English specialist, wrote from Port Harcourt.

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Opinion

Benue Conflicts, Hope At Last?

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President Bola Tinubu’s visit to Benue State on Wednesday, June 18, 2025 was an indication that he is a leader that has listening ears. Many Nigerians had called on him, as the father of the nation, to visit Yelwata community in Benue State, where armed criminals murdered over 100 people penultimate weekend and destroyed their property and he did exactly that.
Though the President could not get to Yelwata community, “because of rain, flood and bad road”, his visit to the State, his town hall meeting with some key stakeholders, his visit to the victims of the tragedy in the hospital, speak volumes of his quality of leadership and Nigerians appreciate him for that and hope that other leaders in the country will learn from him.
During the town hall meeting at the Government House in Makurdi, the President queried the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, why no arrest had been made since the heinous crime was committed and directed him and the Chief of Defence Staff, Christopher Musa, to immediately arrest killer herders, who perpetrated the crime.
That was quite commendable because we cannot have the much-needed peace in Benue and other communities in the country where killing has become the order of the day if there is no justice. After every such tragic wanton killings, the police, the military and other security agencies claim to be on top of the situation, assuring that there would be no repeat of such deadly attacks.
But what we never hear or see is that anybody was arrested, prosecuted and jailed for the crime committed. That emboldens the criminals to keep attacking innocent citizens with impunity. Nigerians hope to see things done differently going forward.
Nobody, irrespective of his tribe, religion or political leaning should be above the law. No tribe should be treated as a sacred cow if Nigeria must move forward.
It is hoped that the heads of the Department of State Services (DSS) and the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) will act on the President’s directives and intensify surveillance and gather actionable intelligence to apprehend the perpetrators.
It is also high time the nation’s security agencies and the government at all levels were more Proactive than reactive. They should be able to prevent these deadly attacks from happening instead of running around when the deed is already done. They really need to synergise and re-strategise towards better results since obviously the strategy deployed all the while has not been effective.
It was also good that the President touched the sensitive issue of ranching. He urged Governor Hyacinth Alia of Benue State to allocate land for ranching and directed the Minister of Agriculture and Food Security to follow up.
Reports have it that at the core of the agelong conflict in Benue State is unrestricted cattle movement which results in destruction of farms and crops. The State has for decades been enmeshed in a persistent and deeply troubling conflict mainly between local farming communities and nomadic herders over grazing rights, land encroachment and destruction of crops.
The Chief of Defence Staff puts it this way, “Now, from what I have observed, two or three basic things, one is the issue of land, [between] indigene and non-indigene, [is] critical, which is political. That’s supposed to be sorted out politically.
“Secondly, the issue of the movement of animals. I’ve told people over time that when they say farmer, headers clash, clash means two things are moving. But if a farm is [just there] and an animal comes in, it is not a clash, it’s somebody entering somebody’s [asset]. So, we must find solutions to how, which means if the animals don’t move, we don’t have issues.
“Now again, because of that again, we have issues of rustling of animals, which means if we don’t even rustle animals again that are moving again, there won’t be most of this problem.
The quest for a lasting solution to the clashes led to the enactment of the State’s Open Grazing Prohibition and Ranches Establishment Law (2017). The law bans open grazing and mandates ranching. The effect of this is hardly seen as cattle still roam freely in Benue State just as in other parts of the country, including the nation’s capital, Abuja.
The Director General of Benue Peace and Reconciliation Commission, Josephine Habba, recently lamented that though the anti-open grazing law is still valid, the enforcement operatives are not that of the State, thereby limiting the power of the State over the violators of the law.
The leadership and members of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) and other such associations should therefore, key into the President’s plan of ranching. MACBAN and other well-placed Nigerians who are in the business of cattle rearing should invest in ranching as it is done in other parts of the world.
It is no hidden fact that Benue indigenes are predominantly farmers. They depend on farming to cater for their needs. They have the right to farm in their ancestral farmlands just as the cattle breeders being citizens of the country, have the right to live and carry out their business in any part of the country. So, there is the need for a balance, an arrangement where the two parties carry out their businesses without encroaching on each other’s space. That is why ranching or controlled grasing, as some people choose to call it, is very important.
A coherent national grazing policy that supports ranching should be developed. Both federal and state governments should invest in building modern ranches with proper facilities, veterinary services, and access to water, particularly in the Northern states where herders traditionally originate. This will reduce the need for migration into farming territories.
It is also important that for there to be the desired lasting peace in Benue State, Tinubu and the heads of the nation’s security agencies should look into the comment of the paramount ruler of the Tiv Nation, Tor Tiv V, His Royal Majesty James Ayatse in his address at the stakeholders meeting on Wednesday.
He said, “What we are dealing with here in Benue State is a calculated, well-planned and full-scale genocidal invasion and land grabbing campaign by herder terrorists and bandits. This has been on for decades and it’s worsening every year.”  The same view had been shared by the Benue State Governor, Hyacinth Alia and some other indigenes of the State. A thorough investigation is needed to ascertain the veracity of the allegation and deal with it before it is too late.
It was really good hearing all the fatherly advice of the President to Alia. There is no doubt that if the governor works with those words of wisdom, Benue will be a better place to live in. The governor should wake up and face the challenges facing him squarely, never forgetting that his allegiance is with the people of the State and not to some individuals of a political party.
Benue State (the food basket of the nation) is a very important part of the country. The lingering insecurity in the State, if not urgently dealt with, may pose a big threat to food security in the country.
All hands must, therefore, be on the deck to restore peace in Benue State and other parts of the country. It is high time the government rose above ethnic, religious, and political interests and took bold, coordinated action towards restoring peace to the State. The people of Benue deserve peace, dignity, and the opportunity to thrive in their ancestral land. The time to end the agelong conflict is now. Silence and half-measures can no longer be an option.
Once again, thank you our dear President, for visiting Benue. We hope there will be a follow up to ensure that all your directives to the security chiefs are carried out . More of such a visit to other parts of the country.

Calista Ezeaku

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Opinion

Nigeria’s Rendezvous With Floods

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The floods have done it again! No thanks to our governance systems that enables such tales of bad fate. Our national encounters with floods have become annual meets in which Nigerians have had to be vulnerable to inundating floods. Every incident becomes a combat with nature in which Nigerians have been made no match. Many unlucky Nigerians have had to endure overwhelming onslaughts from floods, some not surviving to tell the stories.

The sad event that just occurred at Mokwa in Niger State has once again reminded us that we have entered the Season 2025 Rendezvous With Floods. Yes, the flood season is here again! It also appears that by our inactions to check the floods, we have entered some unwritten agreements with same, to annually decimate the lives of hundreds of Nigerians whom conditions of life placed on the paths of menacing floods. As humans fail to be humane to their fellow, why would the floods?

Even as flood prevention and mitigation activities draw huge budgets from government purses annually, they remain as ravaging as if they were never envisaged, the result of which many lives, properties and natural resources of innocent Nigerians are sacrificed yearly.

In the current tragedy at Mokwa more than 150 lives have so far been confirmed dead. Regrettably, the figures may go further as rescue operations continue. According to reports, mayhem descended on innocent residents who were asleep in the early hours of Thursday, May 29, 2025 in the neighbourhoods of Kpege at Mokwa, when torrential downpours led to surprising surges of water. In the ensuing confusion in which buildings and market areas became submerged amidst collapsing structures, hundreds lost their lives, buildings destroyed and many displaced. Those lucky enough to have escaped alive now face the frustration of sudden displacement.

Even as floods have become one of our intractable, annual woes, the latest incident at Mokwa remains heart-bleeding, considering that no less than 200 lives were lost to flooding in the same area in 2023 and over 386,000 were displaced. Such horrendous flood disasters keep recurring as a national tragedy.

In 2022 Nigeria made world headlines when CNN and other international media carried reports of one of our worst humanitarian flood disasters during which over 500 persons perished, about 1,546 injured, and over 1.4 million persons displaced by floods. The CNN also added that about “45,249 houses were damaged, 76,168 hectares of farmlands partially destroyed while 70,566 hectares of farmlands got completely destroyed.” That year, 27 out of Nigeria’s 36 states struggled with floods while access to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja was threatened.

The more salient impact which draws lesser attention from the media is the trail of terrestrial erosions that etch our environments each flooding season. With widespread areas of farmlands, residential areas and coastal communities being washed away by floods yearly, the ecology of many parts of Nigeria continues to degrade in magnitudes unimageable.

***********Regrettably no lessons appear to have been learnt from flood incidents such like occurred in 2022, otherwise we would not have been experiencing subsequent scales of recurrences.
Nor have the preventable drownings of a colossal number of lives been enough to trigger official inquiry into the activities of our national emergency management programmes, and their associated agencies.

In the face of huge expenditures recorded in yearly national budgets through the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development to finance the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), it should be puzzling that no one has ever been held liable for the failures to safeguard areas prone to floods, the recurrent inability to swiftly come to the rescue of flood victims, and the consequential deaths. Even from the reported lamentations of victims, it is discernible that most often, relief materials reach victims almost a year after incidents. And that is for those lucky enough to secure reliefs. Designated places for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), may pass as mockery of the essence.

With respect to the Mokwa flood mayhem, NEMA claims it “Had prior to the incident, issued multiple early warnings regarding likely flooding in flood-prone regions like Niger State.” Probably in an attempt to shift blames to local authorities claimed further that, “Despite these efforts, the scale of the disaster revealed the limits of national-level warnings without sufficient ground-level implementation.” But as the apex disaster management agency in the country, is NEMA’s job only to raise alarms for local authorities? What hindered the deployment of its Early Warning and Preparedness mechanisms?

Being under the Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development Ministry, one may wonder if NEMA is not being choked under a ministry saddled with so many social duties, moreso, a ministry notorious for its social fund embezzlement scandals. For swifter operations, NEMA should operate from a ministry dedicated to special duties, or placed under the Presidency.

This nation has had so many innocent lives devastated needlessly by floods to have provoked national compunction in saner climes. Such regrets should have inspired decisive actions that prevent, or at least mitigate future occurrences to the barest minimum.

In our usual daily hustle, life may resume as normal for many Nigerians faced by many other daily struggles, and the memories of the over 150 who died at Mokwa will soon be forgotten. But it is pertinent to remind us that it is a crime against humanity to let helpless lives perish as such.

The menace of floods as occur on our part of the globe are preventable, as they are seasonal and predictable. Given all the technologies currently at our disposal, floods should not be as overwhelming as they have become. With conscientious efforts, floods could largely be prepared against and checked, while mitigating actions ensure that lives and resources are not destroyed on the scales being experienced. From the yearly outcomes so far, it is obvious that the requisite actions against floods are not being implemented, however how NEMA tries to defend itself.

In the meantime, it should be noteworthy that the Mokwa sad record is an early occurrence for the year 2025, and coming just from the River Niger flank of the country alone, when the usually worst crises from the River Benue axis are yet to commence. Officials of NEMA and those of concerned State Emergency Management Agencies (SEMAs) should not wait until the Republic of Cameroon embarks on the annual opening of its Lagdo Dam, and when communities downstream of the River Benue flank start wailing desperately, to take action. By then actions would be too little, and too late, and NEMA would issue another self-exoneration.

As NEMA goes nation-wide to sensitize the public on its National Disaster Preparedness and Response Campaign (NPRC) 2025, its activities should materialize in lives and resources saved against floods.

Joseph Nwankwor
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