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Internal Colonialism In The Niger Delta?

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The heartless, irascible child who keeps his mother awake all night long will himself not know sleep throughout the night. Yoruba proverb. In all the essential details, the Niger Delta in the last half of a century since Nigeria became one of the big oil exporting nations of the world remarkably resembles the Portuguese ad Belgian colonial possession in Africa in the heyday of Western imperial domination of our continent; in particular, the Niger Delta most especially resembles the then called Belgian Congo. Compared to the French and British colonies, in these Portuguese and Belgian colonies, Africans were far more exploited, far more arrogantly and brutally governed. In the economic sphere, the colonial territory was literally and effectively mined for all its most highly valued natural resources and nothing much was put back to develop there land and the people to whom it historically belonged. In fact, in most cases, the land and the peoples I these Portuguese and Belgian colonies were left far worse by the super-exploitation of the colonizers than they had been before the arrival of the colonial overlords and their mining and trading companies. In the political sphere, the kinds and levels of self-governance and self-rule that the British and the French gradually introduced in their colonies were near absent in the Portuguese and Belgian colonies; the only kind of self-rule that was tolerated was any kind that could make the exploitation of the land, the resources and the people more effective, more profitable for there colonizer. Any Nigerian who does not know that these are the same sort of things that have been happening in our Niger Delta in the last fifty years is grossly and tragically uninformed. In the last fifty years since oil prospecting in the Niger Delta not only became big time oil exportation but also became overwhelmingly the country’s main source of revenue, physical and environmental degradation of the region has risen to levels unknown in any other apart of the planet: much of the land laid to waste and made less and less available for arable farming; the waters and the air polluted; the villages, towns and cities made some of the rosst areas for infrastructures, employment opportunities and security of life and possessions in our country. And with regard to the sphere of political empowerment, since Nigeria struck it rich through the oil extracted from the region, the Niger Delta has remained one of the most marginal areas of the country in terms of effective distribution of power and influence within the nation’s political class. In some other aspects, our Niger Delta is also comparable to another colonial experience in Africa of the long night of the colonization of our continent, that of the so-called Bantustans of South Africa I the period of apartheid control of Black South Africans by the White minority Afrikaner and English communities. These Bantustans were the poorest areas of South Africa, with little or no infrastructures, little or no employment opportunities, little or no access to the economic and political centers of the national territory. Of course nothing like the forcible control of movement into and out of the Bantustans that the Whites imposed on Blacks in apartheid South Africa exist in the case of our Niger Delta, but there is a clear similarity, in each of these two cases, in the fact of severe economic, material impoverishment compared tot eh rest of the country. Considering all these details and realities of the shocking similarities of the Niger Delta to the worst cases of Western colonial exploitation and domination of Africa, it would seem both reasonable and justifiable that many individuals and organizations that are struggling for the just cause of the Niger Delta should –as they have done and no doubt will continue to do – use the term internal colonialism to describe the tragic experience of the region in the last fifty years. Which is why it is very surprising that many knowledgeable and progressive Nigerians from other parts of the country have either been indifferent or even hostile to the use of the term “colonialism” both to describe what has been happening in the Niger Delta in the last fifty years and to mobilize action to end it. What is implied, what is at stake in this indifference to or refusal of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta, especially now that the region is in the explosive, violent epicenter of the nation’s struggles to come to terms with our crippling endemic political and economic crises and problems? How far, and with usefulness will comparisons between the Niger Delta and the worst cases of Western colonialisation of our continent take us? These are the questions I wish to address in a series of essays over the next few weeks in this column. I personally think the use of the term, together with the comparisons it enables with all those cases of Portuguese, Belgian and Afrikaner colonial possessions and practices in Africa re very, very helpful in that many things that are otherwise extremely baffling, extremely strange in the politics and economy of our country become comprehensible and therefore hopefully more amenable to progressive change once we clarify the grounds of the comparison. But I am mindful of the fact that, for many reasons, many Nigerians would find the comparison unacceptable. Since I believe that much is at stake and much will be gained if the issues involved in this comparison are clarified, it is with great seriousness and objectivity that I will explore some of the reasons for the refusal of, or the indifference to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. Colonization, whether it is “internal”, external, or “neo” – as in neocolonialism – has been one of the most persistent and tragic economic, political and cultural means of domination in the modern history of hteneire planet in all its constitutive hemispheric regions in other words, colonization provides much of the explanation for why some nations and peoples became “developed” and “advanced” while others became “underdeveloped” and “backward” in the course modern political and economic history, Colonialism achieved its “classical” or prototypical form during the period of Western imperialist domination of the world, an age that is now clearly and effectively over, even if its ramifications and legacies are still very much with us. With the passing of that age, it has become far less easy or even logical to invoke the term “colonialism” in cases which seem to reproduce some of the essential or prototypical features in contexts other than Western domination of non-Western parts of the world as in the case of the Hutus and the Tutsis in Burundi and Rwanda, Darfur and in Sudan – and the Niger Delta in Nigeria. In next week’s column, I shall directly address some of the reasons why many Nigerians especially self-identified Nigerians, would be indifferent or hostile to the use of the term “internal colonialism” with regard to the Niger Delta. But for now, let me conclude this week’s essay with some observations on why the comparison is helpful and hwy therefore all progressive Nigerians should at least pay some attention to it. These are preliminary observations that I will give further elaboration and clarification in the course of the series. The over-centralised state, with its seat of ower in the almighty presidency in Aso Rock, is possible at all because of the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. If this super-exploitation of this particular region ends, the over-centralised state which is so resistant to true federalism will not last one year, at the most. The over-concentration of wealth in a few hands in our country, one of the most extreme, obscene and unproductive in the world, is also dependent on the super-exploitation of the Niger Delta. How all this relates to the issue of internal colonialism will be the subject of next week’s column, together with all the objections of the comparison of the Niger Delta crises to all those abominable cases of Western colonialism at its very worst on our continent. Biodun Jeyifo

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Tackling Noise Pollution in Nigeria

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Quote:”Noise pollution is not merely an inconvenience; it is a silent threat to health, dignity, and the right of every Nigerian to live in peace. Worship should uplift the soul, not assault the ears.”
The viral video of former Abia State Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Mr. Charles Ogbonna, chasing worshippers out of a worship center in Ibeku, Umuahia, with a cutlass sparked widespread outrage—and understandably so. No citizen, regardless of provocation, has the right to threaten others with a weapon. Such behavior is unacceptable in a civilized society and must be condemned. Yet outrage alone does not capture the full picture. Reports indicate that Mr. Ogbonna acted after enduring prolonged and excessive noise from the Umuobasi Town Hall, allegedly used for religious activities, which made life unbearable for residents. A resident, Chinedu, told journalists that the former commissioner stormed the hall around 1 a.m., after hours of blaring noise deprived people of sleep. While self-help was the wrong approach—he should have reported the matter to authorities—this incident highlights a deeper problem:
 Nigeria’s culture of unchecked noise pollution and the failure of authorities to protect citizens’ right to peace, rest, and a healthy environment. When legitimate complaints are ignored, frustration builds—sometimes with dangerous consequences. Noise pollution in Nigeria is pervasive. Worship centers, commercial activities, motor parks, roadside traders, and private generators create an environment of relentless noise. So normalized is this that many Nigerians feel powerless to act. This culture of indifference—trampling on the right to quiet in the name of worship, celebration, or business—must end. Noise is not a minor inconvenience. It is a serious environmental and public health hazard. Medical experts warn that prolonged exposure to excessive noise can cause hearing loss, hypertension, cardiovascular disease, sleep disorders, anxiety, and other psychological conditions
. The British Medical Bulletin notes that constant noise triggers stress responses that may lead to illness. Sleep deprivation—a common consequence—reduces productivity, undermines emotional stability, and worsens overall wellbeing. In a country already struggling with health challenges, noise pollution quietly compounds the problem. So what are Nigerian authorities doing? The truth is: the laws exist but enforcement is weak. Section 22 of the National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency (NESREA) Act, 2007 empowers NESREA to regulate noise from industrial, commercial, domestic, recreational, and transport sources. Violations can attract fines or imprisonment. Likewise, the National Environmental (Noise Standards and Control) Regulations, 2009 clearly define permissible noise levels across residential, commercial, and industrial zones.
The problem is not the absence of laws—it is the absence of will. Many citizens are unaware of their rights or where to report violations. Regulatory agencies are often underfunded, poorly equipped, and hesitant to act, particularly when influential religious or commercial interests are involved. The Umuahia incident is a textbook example of institutional failure: when lawful channels fail repeatedly, some individuals take the law into their own hands. Enforcement must be firm, consistent, and impartial. Environmental agencies need funding, modern noise-monitoring equipment, and trained personnel capable of responding swiftly. Laws must apply to all—churches, mosques, clubs, hotels, and individuals alike. There have been rare instances of decisive action. A decade ago, the Lagos State Government sealed 53 churches, mosques, and hotels for noise violations, following complaints from residents.
In October 2025, Lagos again sealed several establishments over excessive noise. Yet, such crackdowns are often temporary. Churches and mosques continue to dominate neighborhoods with blaring loudspeakers, making sleep a luxury during week-long vigils or pre-dawn sermons. For the elderly, the sick, and those who work long hours, this is more than an annoyance—it is harmful. Compared to many developed countries, Nigeria’s situation is embarrassing. Elsewhere, worship is associated with calm, reflection, and serenity. Noise levels are strictly regulated, and places of worship are often soundproofed. The question arises: is God in Nigeria hard of hearing, or has shouting simply become the default mode of expression?The rapid proliferation of worship centers has worsened the problem. Many spring up indiscriminately in high-density areas, markets, and private compounds, with little regard for zoning laws or environmental standards.
 This neglect undermines productivity, social harmony, and quality of life. Noise pollution is a silent threat, eroding health and dignity in ways that often go unnoticed. Decisive action is urgently needed. Agencies must be strengthened, insulated from political and religious pressure, and empowered to enforce laws consistently. Offenders must face consequences regardless of influence. Public enlightenment is equally crucial: many Nigerians are unaware that excessive noise is harmful or that they have a legal right to quiet enjoyment of their environment. Sustained education through media, schools, and community forums can shift attitudes. Religious leaders, in particular, must understand that consideration for neighbors is not an attack on faith but a moral responsibility. Soundproofing standards for worship centers and entertainment venues should be adopted nationwide.
Worship should uplift the soul, not assault the ears. Freedom of religion and expression must coexist with responsibility and respect for others. Noise is an inevitable part of urban life, but chaos is not. Nigeria cannot continue as a society where “anything goes.” Psychologists argue that education, stricter enforcement, and changes in personal habits can make a significant difference. If citizens are empowered to demand accountability and authorities act decisively, Nigeria can become a healthier, more livable society.
The Umuahia incident should serve as a wake-up call—not just about individual misconduct but about systemic failure. Protecting citizens from noise pollution is not merely about silence; it is about dignity, health, and the right to live in peace.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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As Sim Turns Golden 

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Quote:”The milestone of fifty provides an opportunity to reaffirm commitment to ethical leadership, and to envision a legacy that will outlast any political cycle.”
 
Milestones invite reflection. They prompt us to pause, look back, and anticipate the road ahead. Today, as Governor Siminalayi Fubara marks his 50th birthday, Rivers State and Nigerians at large are given the opportunity to reflect not just on the life of a man, but on the journey of leadership, the test of governance, and the enduring responsibilities of public office. Fifty years is not merely a number; it is a marker of experience, a testament to resilience, and a challenge to the imagination of what the next chapter can hold. Governor Fubara’s rise to leadership was built on the twin pillars of professional discipline and political acumen. Long before he assumed the mantle of governance, he distinguished himself as a technocrat. His years as Accountant-General of Rivers State demonstrated a meticulous understanding of public finance, an ability to manage complex systems, and a commitment to efficiency.
In a political culture too often shaped by spectacle rather than substance, Fubara’s early career reflected a quiet diligence that few could ignore. This reputation positioned him not merely as a politician, but as a steward — a custodian of resources, institutions, and trust. Fifty is an age at which experience meets expectation. For Governor Fubara, this is particularly significant. The administration he now leads has faced scrutiny from every conceivable quarter: political opponents, civil society, the media, and citizens whose expectations have never been higher. Rivers State is a microcosm of Nigeria’s complexities — rich in resources, brimming with potential, but also marked by deep-seated political tensions and societal demands. Leadership here requires more than charisma; it demands judgment, prudence, and a capacity for calm under pressure. On this front, Fubara has shown steadiness.
A hallmark of Governor Fubara’s leadership has been restraint. In an era where governance is too often performed as theater, where loud voices overshadow measured action, he has consistently chosen law over intimidation, procedure over impulse. Decisions are referenced against statutes, governance is framed by institutional norms, and the public is reminded that authority comes with accountability. For a society still consolidating democratic norms, such temperance is both rare and necessary. It is, in many ways, the quiet hallmark of leadership that values stability over spectacle.Yet, birthdays are also moments for honest evaluation. Rivers people will rightly look beyond ceremony and expectation to tangible outcomes. Stability and process matter, but they must ultimately translate into progress: roads that improve mobility, policies that create jobs, systems that empower citizens, and governance that bridges divides rather than deepening them
. Leadership is judged not only by restraint but by results, not only by patience but by purpose. Fifty is a time when reflection must guide action, and where the lessons of experience inform a vision for the future. Governor Fubara’s milestone is also an opportunity to consider the human dimension of governance. Leadership at this level is taxing; the weight of responsibility is constant, and the scrutiny relentless. At 50, a leader is expected to balance firmness with flexibility, authority with empathy, decisiveness with dialogue. These qualities define whether governance is perceived as merely functional or as transformative. Rivers State, with its history of political turbulence, needs a governor who can navigate competing interests without sacrificing principle — and it is here that Fubara’s personal discipline and professional rigor can be leveraged for enduring impact.
Importantly, this birthday offers a chance for strategic reflection on inclusiveness and unity. Great leaders understand that reconciliation is not a concession, but a strategic tool for lasting peace. Rivers State has long been challenged by divisions — political, social, and economic. Leadership at this stage of life demands not just administrative efficiency, but a capacity to bring people together, to heal fractures, and to inspire confidence across divides. As the governor enters his sixth decade, the expectation is that wisdom will translate into bridge-building, that vision will extend beyond immediate political calculations, and that the interests of the state will outweigh the allure of short-term gains.On a personal note, Governor Fubara’s 50th birthday is a celebration of a life defined by service. Public office is not a ceremonial honor; it is a calling with obligations that extend beyond one’s personal ambitions
. It requires courage to make difficult decisions, patience to see policies take root, and humility to acknowledge limitations. The milestone of fifty provides an opportunity to reaffirm commitment to these ideals, to recommit to ethical leadership, and to envision a legacy that will outlast any political cycle. In conclusion, while birthdays are often private affairs, Governor Fubara’s milestone is unavoidably public. It is a moment to celebrate achievement, reflect on lessons learned, and anticipate the challenges ahead. At 50, a leader is expected to combine experience with vision, composure with courage, and principle with pragmatism. Rivers State and Nigerians at large have reason to observe this juncture with hope, expectation, and a measure of optimism.
So today, as the governor marks his 50th year, we offer not just congratulations, but also a reminder: leadership is measured in deeds as much as in years. The next chapter will define legacy, and the people will judge both the man and his administration by the tangible improvements in their daily lives. A toast, therefore, is not only to fifty years of life, but to fifty more years of leadership guided by wisdom, foresight, and the enduring pursuit of the common good. Happy birthday, Governor Siminalayi Fubara — may the next fifty be even more defining.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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Opinion

Policy Intervention: More Than Administrative Reform  

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Quote:”This policy intervention proves that education reform is not just about administration, but about restoring dignity, equity, and integrity to the learning process.”
On September 24, 2025, the article” A Growing Emergency: How Marked-Up Textbooks Are Sabotaging Nigeria’s School Children”, written by King Onunwo, was published in The Tide Newspaper. In the said article, the writer expressed pains in what he viewed as ‘a silent but damaging practice’  taking root in homes across Nigeria,  one that threatens the academic future of millions of children in primary and secondary schools. From the paintings of the writer,  this seemingly minor convenience where older siblings complete their homeworks directly inside their school textbooks, may seem  harmless on the surface. On the contrary, it is creating a dangerous ripple effect. What used to be a normal practice—siblings reusing textbooks year after year to ease the financial burden on families—has now turned into a nightmare. The writer could best describe its impact in our educational system as a stumbling block for students, and a ticking time bomb for the education system and to say the least, a  source of distress for countless parents.
The core message of the article is that writing homework and classwork inside textbooks has evolved from a harmless household habit into a national educational crisis that is quietly undermining learning outcomes in Nigeria. Specifically, the article argues that: marked-up textbooks sabotage learning by denying younger students the opportunity to think independently, practice problem-solving, and engage meaningfully with lessons. Economic hardship has normalized textbook reuse, but misuse has turned a cost-saving strategy into an educational disadvantage. The problem is systemic, not merely individual, reflecting failures in policy enforcement, public awareness, and educational support structures. Hence, government’s intervention is urgently required, including regulations, awareness campaigns, textbook audits, penalties, and subsidized writing materials.
Violation of education equity  was also fingered as children are academically punished due to circumstances beyond their control—birth order and family income. King Onunwo opined that small oversights can cause large-scale damage, and ignoring such “minor” issues threatens Nigeria’s broader educational goals. Ultimately, he   called for a national textbook integrity policy to protect learning materials and ensure fairness in education. Deductively, the writer ‘s feelings and emotional tone  conveyed a deep concern and alarm, repeatedly framing  the issue as a “growing emergency,” “ticking time bomb,” and “quiet academic crisis.” which signals a genuine fear  that the problem if unchecked, may have irreversible consequences.
The writer ‘s tone is outrightly that of an advocate, not a neutral observer,  speaking with a strong sense of justice, emphasizing on  education  as  a right, meaning that children should not be academically disadvantaged by family circumstances, hence, the need for society  to protect educational tools.The repeated calls for “immediate,” “urgent,” and “no time to waste” action showed impatience with delays and excuses. The writer believes every academic term lost worsens the damage. It is not just about textbooks—it is about educational dignity, equality, and systemic responsibility. The closing metaphor (“the handwriting is on the wall”) reinforces the writer’s belief that the consequences are already visible and that failure to act would be inexcusable. By responding decisively to growing concerns around the misuse and rising cost of learning materials, the Federal Government has demonstrated that thoughtful advocacy still matters—and that public interest writing can indeed influence policy in meaningful ways.
The recently unveiled education policy banning disposable workbooks and mandating the use of durable, reusable textbooks is a commendable step in the right direction. It directly addresses the very issues raised by King Onunwo and other concerned writers and parents who have long warned about the silent damage being done to Nigeria’s school children through poorly designed textbook practices and unchecked misuse of learning materials. For years, families—especially those with multiple children—have struggled under the weight of repeated textbook purchases. Worse still, the culture of writing directly into textbooks turned what should have been reusable learning tools into single-use items, sabotaging younger siblings who inherited books already filled with answers, errors, and confusion. The new policy does not merely reduce costs; it restores the integrity of textbooks as reference materials meant to guide thinking, not replace it.
By insisting on standardized, high-quality textbooks designed to last four to six years, the government has effectively validated the core argument of education advocates: that sustainability, affordability, and quality learning are deeply interconnected. The decision to prohibit the bundling of disposable workbooks—often used as a commercial tactic to force annual purchases—is particularly laudable. It signals a shift away from profit-driven educational practices toward child-centered learning. Equally important is the policy’s emphasis on strengthening assessment and quality assurance for instructional materials. This tackles another long-standing problem: superficial textbook revisions that compel parents to buy “new editions” without meaningful improvements in content. Such practices have eroded trust in the system and placed unnecessary financial strain on households already stretched thin.
Beyond textbooks, the introduction of a uniform academic calendar and the rationalization of graduation ceremonies show a broader sensitivity to the hidden costs of schooling. These reforms recognize that education expenses are not limited to fees alone but are compounded by traditions and inconsistencies that quietly drain family resources. This policy intervention is more than administrative reform; it is proof that government can listen, reflect, and act when issues are clearly articulated and grounded in lived realities. It affirms the value of public-interest writing as a bridge between citizens’ experiences and policy action.While implementation and enforcement will be the true test, the direction is encouraging. Parents, teachers, and school administrators must now play their part to ensure that these reforms translate into real change in classrooms across the country.
In acknowledging and addressing the concerns raised by writers, educators, and families, the government has taken a vital step toward protecting the learning future of Nigerian children. It is a reminder that when the handwriting on the wall is read early enough, it is still possible to rewrite the story—for the better.However, kudos to Federal Government for the intervention, but it should not end on the table rather should be given accelerated attention in order to ensure full implementation.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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