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BRACED For A New Start

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It is exactly 21 days since governors of states in the South South geo-political zone of Nigeria rose from a BRACED Governors’ Council meeting in the Rivers State Government House, Port Harcourt, with a communiqué outlining some bold and far-reaching resolutions taken by the body.
One of the decisions as contained in the press address by the Delta State Governor and Chairman of the South South Governors’ Forum, Senator Ifeanyi Okowa, is the floating of a regional security outfit. Recall that, at one of its recent meetings, the Forum had mandated the BRACED Commission to draw up a plan for the establishment of such regional vigilance group.
For those who may not know it, BRACED is an acronym coined from the first letters in the names of the six states that constitute the zone; namely Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Edo and Delta. It embodies the collective determination of these states to pursue a vision for the social and economic development of the region with the aim of providing better living standard for its people.
This Commission is an outcome of recommendations made at the maiden South South Economic Summit by the chief executives of these states at the Tinapa Complex in Calabar, Cross River State, in April 2009. Seriake Dickson, Chibuike Amaechi, Godswill Akpabio, Liyel Imoke, Adams Oshiomhole and Emmanuel Uduaghan, respectively, were the sitting governors then.
Records have it that an agreement for the Commission’s establishment was signed in 2011 – one year after the opening of its headquarters in Port Harcourt and the appointment of Ambassador Joe Keshi as the Director General. This was also amidst concern that the individual states were yet to enact laws backing the agency’s establishment.
Simply put, BRACED was raised to foster the integration, socio-economic and infrastructural development of the South South region. It was to achieve this by adopting the principle of comparative advantage as to avoid unnecessary duplication of efforts and waste of resources among member-states. For the avoidance of doubt, agriculture, industrialisation, power, roads, education, human capacity development, tourism and environment were some of the principal areas of interest. Also among its ideals was the peer review mechanism so that no member-state was left behind.
Indeed, a keen look at the Commission’s initial programmes would leave no one in doubt of its serious intentions. However, it is also pertinent to point out that, besides the few alternating jamborees it hosted in the names of summits and retreats, only little else can attest to its nearly 11 years of existence.
In terms of funding, it is doubtful that BRACED received anything meaningful from its member-governors before partisan politics tore them apart. To be sure, the defection of then Governor Amaechi from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the newly formed All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013 had resulted to bickering in the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) of which he was the chairman.
It was alleged that Amaechi often capitalised on his NGF position to deride President Goodluck Jonathan at every forum, including BRACED events. And so, he needed to be checkmated at all cost. This led to Governor Akpabio’s emergence as the arrowhead of plans to stop Amaechi’s return for a second NGF chairmanship tenure. The rest, as they say, is history. But more than anything else, the bad blood this created among the region’s governors became so apparent that it destroyed the basis for any more BRACED summits.
Until 2015 when Governors Nyesom Wike, Ifeanyi Okowa, Udom Emmanuel and Ben Ayade were elected for Rivers, Delta, Akwa Ibom and Cross River States, respectively, it is doubtful if the Commission ever got a mention in any South South government house.
Permit me to point out here that while a similar agency in the South West, known as the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN), cannot be said to have been unaffected by its own internal politics, after all Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo State was never of the dominant Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN); but such diversity hardly hindered the collective pursuit of their regional development agenda. A recent demonstration of this was by Seyi Makinde of Oyo State who came to power through the PDP; the rest five governors of the region being of the APC. As reports had it, when it came to contributing funds and equipment for the newly founded regional security outfit, Amotekun, no governor rose to the occasion more than Makinde – not even his Lagos counterpart. He was said to have donated more than his state’s fair share of some of the items on demand.
My point here is that the current South South governors have acted in the region’s best interest, going by their present resolve to revive the BRACED Commission. The only fear is that none should act in a manner that would dampen this new spirit. Though, as things stand now, any sincere mind would be wondering what the governors hope to accomplish for the Commission in the 18 months remaining for most of them; and considering that a new election season is already by the corner.
Yes, it is widely believed that with clearly defined objectives, funding and sincerity of purpose, a lot can still be achieved even in less than one year. If only the governors will afford the institution a legal backing and subsequently assign it funding provisions in their respective appropriation bills; they will have established a foothold for it.
Surely, the BRACED blue print was drawn up when the nation’s economy enjoyed better health. Recall that in their Asaba meeting of 2017 where they resolved to revive BRACED, the South South governors were said to have also agreed to build integrated transport facilities in the region through a balanced development of airports, roads, rail and waterways infrastructure. Even as good as this had sounded, one would assume that the governors may have foreseen a progressive post-recession recovery. That not being the case, the next best option would be for the state chief executives to go for the low-hanging fruits in the rather robust blue print.
BRACED has never been a bad concept. Apparently, what its Commission requires in order to blossom is a good embrace from its owner-states. The initial outing was obviously truncated by overzealousness, exuberance and unnecessary politicking. Let us pray and hope for a better demonstration of maturity this time around. At least, to allow for an eventual take-off.

By: Ibelema Jumbo

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Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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