Editorial
Beyond Covid-19 Vaccine Distribution
It is heart-warming that Nigeria will soon take its first delivery of 100,000 Coronavirus
(COVID-19) vaccine doses. But Director-General of the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA), Faisal Shuaib, hinted that the doses were limited to only 50,000, mainly vulnerable people, frontline staffers and health workers.
Out of the figure, only 1,766 doses have been allocated to Rivers State. States with higher confirmed cases would be given more doses. The NPHCDA said Kano, Lagos, Katsina, Kaduna, Bauchi, Oyo and Rivers would receive higher doses for health workers. In all, a total of 48,786 doses will be administered in the first phase. It is unclear what will happen to the remaining 2,428 out of the total 100,000 doses.
The Director, Logistics and Health Commodities, NPHCDA, Hajia Kubura Daradara, said the government would only release the vaccine to states prepared to administer them. Such states would be required to dispense the vaccine within five days to maintain its potency and only states which demonstrated commitment would receive the vaccine.
The Federal Government had earlier said the first batch of the vaccine would arrive between the end of January and February 2021 and had guaranteed their safety and effectiveness, claiming that the 100,000 doses of the expected vaccine were for only 50,000 Nigerians to be taken twice by each person at 21 days interval.
Nigeria’s Minister of Health, Dr Osagie Ehanire, had previously stated that the country would spend N400 billion to procure vaccines for the 70 per cent of Nigerians it planned to vaccinate, amid the rising spread of the virus in a most dreaded second wave. Whether that can materialise in the awkward economic situation is another kettle of fish entirely.
While we hail the government’s move to obtain the vaccine for the country, more are required to cater for a greater number of Nigerians. However, what is government’s level of readiness to bring in the vaccine? We are concerned because preparations were made for only four cold chains for the vaccine in Abuja, Kano, Enugu and Lagos with the entire South South and North East regions left out from the plan. If that remains, the vaccine might lose its efficacy on transit to those regions.
Although the federal authorities claimed they had procured 2,100 cubic ultra-cold chain facility in Abuja, the tropical nature of the country may be an impediment. Truth is Nigeria lacks adequate storage facilities to hold vaccines at the required temperature of minus 70/80 degrees Celsius needed for the Pfizer version of the COVID-19 vaccine approved by the World Health Organisation (WHO).
It is strongly advised that the government should first of all ascertain the potency of the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine doses before their arrival. If that fails, then, upon arrival, they should be randomly picked and tested by the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC). The agency should certify them fit for use.
Again, granted the high insecurity ravaging the country, the necessity for heavy security presence from when the vaccine arrives at the airport to when it is administered on the recipients is imperative. In other words, there should be security personnel at every level of the chain. This, the Federal Government should factor in as well.
Interestingly, the Pfizer-BioNTech and the Moderna COVID-19 vaccines were introduced just before December, 2020. On the heels of that was the Oxford-Astra Zeneca’s COVID-19 vaccine. Recently, India added to the list by producing a version of the Oxford-Astra Zeneca’s COVID-19 vaccine known as Covishield vaccine, unveiled on January 3, 2021. This is in addition to Chinese vaccine with 50 per cent efficacy.
Altogether there are about five vaccine types for COVID-19 from different research groups globally ready for use. But the WHO favours the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine. Based on that, the Presidential Task Force (PTF) and the Federal Government proposed the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine for Nigerians. While deciding on a vaccine on WHO’s advice may be plausible, other vaccine options that better suit our oddities should have been explored as well.
As vaccines traverse Europe, a continent that has successfully immunized several millions of their populations, many African countries, including Nigeria, are faced with the challenge of securing adequate supplies of vaccine doses following high cost and inadequate storage facilities.
It, therefore, behoves the WHO to support African countries, particularly Nigeria, for free or highly subsidised vaccines. But the question is: how far can any donation go in a country of over 200 million people, considering its goal to vaccinate 40 per cent of the population by the end of 2021 and the remaining 30 per cent by the end of next year?
The foregoing indicates an urgent need for a home-grown solution to the pandemic. The best option is to produce our vaccine type the way India did. In the interim, let’s shop for one to withstand our terrain. We do not need to re-invent the wheel. Capacity building and making enormous savings on our foreign exchange are the way to go.
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
