Politics
NASS, APC And Politics Of Exclusion
President Muhammadu Buhari and Senate President, Bukola Saraki
The 2015 Nieria general
election in Nigeria has come and gone. The campaigns really heated up the Polity through the mantra for ‘Change’ versus that of ‘Continuity’. At the end of the day, the All Progressives Congress (APC) defeated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which was in power for 16 years.
The APC also controls majority in both Houses of the National Assembly (NASS-the Senate and House of Representatives).
In a federalism such as Nigeria’s, power sharing and zoning is an integral part of the polity as a result of its diversity (regional, ethnic, religion etc). Consequently, the two major parties in the NASS have key roles to play in stabilizing the polity because of the yearnings and aspirations of the populace.
Unfortunately, the proclamation of the 8th National Assembly on the 9th of June, 2015 and subsequent election of key officers in both Houses have rekindled another crisis in the polity and therefore pose a serious concern to the Nigerian citizenry. The festering conflict within the ranks of APC legislators in the NASS especially in the lower chamber, is no doubt an embarrassment to the party and to the surprise of many Nigerians.
There is therefore need to resolve the crisis and end the impasse in the NASS, while the APC leadership should also muster the courage and required capacity to arrest the drift.
It is against this backdrop that it has become pertinent to consider the context of party supremacy and discipline in an attempt to bring stability in the polity, and NASS particularly.
Politics, refers to any human relationship that involves, to a significant extent, control, influence, power and authority. The APC, which is the party in power, seems to be a marriage of inconvenience made up of defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ANC), Congress for Progressive change (CPC), the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), a splinter group of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and much later the defectors from the Peoples Democratic Party called (New PDP).
These groups have their various interests, values and aspirations, but merged first to wrestle power from the PDP behemoth. The most familiar base of influence and power is power itself, hence the struggle for the soul of the APC.
This is very obvious in the manner the positions of presidential candidate, Presidential running mate and party national chairmanship of which Muhammadu Buhari (CPC), Yemi Osibanjo (ACN) and John Odigie Oyegun (ANPP) respectively emerged.
Their peaceful emergence brought a glimmer of hope that the party was on course and can assert itself in all spheres and scheme of things especially after the accompanying victory at polls through fostering of party discipline, supremacy and therefore stability of the nation’s fragile polity.
As a party in power, it hehoves APC to whip its members into line either by use of threat or sanctions. But here again, distribution of positions and offices should not be done to the exclusion of any group as compromise is needed to incorporate all groups after careful consideration of the federal character principle.
The federal character principle is an attempt in search of national integration where there is all inclusiveness. Apart from national integration in a diverse political framework, it also has the ideology of power sharing, political restructuring, equity, justice, gender access and even democratic stability in Nigeria.
The doctrine was formulated to address and hopefully mitigate the problems of lopsidedness so as to ensure a peaceful, stable and integrated Nigeria.
The history of federal character, power sharing and power supremacy in the National Assembly predates the 2nd Republic when the coalition of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and National Peoples Party (NPP) shared power and political offices in the federal Houses, with the NPN producing the Senate President (Dr Joseph Wayas) of the present day South –South region, while the NPP produced Mr. John Wash Pam of the North Central as Deputy Senate President.
In the House of Representatives, Honourable Edwin Gme-Ezeoke (NPP) of the South-East was voted Speaker and Hon. Idris Kuta (NPN) of the North-West was Deputy Speaker.
In 1999, with the beginning of the 4th Republic, the PDP emerged as the party in control after the 1999 election National offices were also shared equitably with the federal character principle in mind. By this formula, president Olusegun Obasanjor came from the South West, Vice President Atiku Abubakar from North-West, Senate, President, Evans Enwerem /Chuba Okadigbo and Ayim Pius Ayim/Adolphus Wagbara/Ken Nnamani from the South East.
The North West produced the Speaker, House of Representatives (Salis Buhari) Ghaali Na-abar and Aminu Masari) Deputy Senate President came from the North Central with A. Haruna and I. Mantu as beneficiaries white the South –South produced the Deputy Speaker, House of Representative (Chibudom Nwuche/Austin Opara.
Then, there was a conscious plan to zone national offices for reasons of equity and justice. This is a result of the role of party supremacy in which the party in Majority would assert its influence, authority and control on its members.
There were, however, occasional changes in occupants of some of those positions as could be noticed in the position of the Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives. This was occasioned by executive interference culminating in impeachment over a period of eight years. Nevertheless, zoning was respected and the six zones benefited from the top six hierarchy.
By 2007, the PDP remained in control of power both at the executive and legislative arms of government with the emergence of David Mark and Miss Patricia Ettch as Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives respectively. For the first time, a female was elected on the floor of the House to the exalted position of fourth citizen of the nation. This act, again, was a conscious arrangement by the ruling PDP to imbibe affirmative action and a sense of belonging to the polity.
In 2011, for instance, the PDP-controlled Senate made another conscious effort to distribute principal positions from which the following emerged: Senate President, David Mark (North Central), Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu (South East), Majority Leader, Victor Ndoma-Egba (South South), Deputy Leader, Abdul Ningi (North East), Majority Whip, S. Gwarzo (North West); and Deputy Whip, Hosea Agboola (South’ West).
In other words, parties in Power and opposition alike are expected to take into consideration the principle of federal character and geo-political spread in the allocation of principal positions so as to achieve the required stability in NASS.
In 2015, the APC with a majority in both Houses is expected to follow similar pattern, but the leadership chose to do otherwise. The first salvo came from President Buhari who said he would not dabble into the affairs of the legislative arm and as such would be willing to work with whoever emerges on the floor of both Houses.
The Vice President, Yemi Osibanjo corroborated Buhari’s remarks, by saying that meril must supersede zoining in appointments to political offices. Oridinarily, these comments are ideal but may not augur well with a group with vested interest in the party.
The party’s leadership endorsed Ahmed Lawan of Yobe State (North East), George Akime of Benue State (North Central), Femi Gbajabiamila of Lagos State (South West), and Mohammed Monguno of Borno State (North East) for Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker House of Representative and Deputy Speaker respectively. There was no consideration for zoning.
Suddenly, on June 9th, 2015, Bukola Saraki (APC), Ike Ekweremadu (PDP), Yakubu Dogara (APC), and Wale Lasun (APC) were voted as Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker respectively as against the dictates of the party leadership.
This was a grave blunder committed by the party leadership. Not long after, zonal caucuses of the party in both Houses decried marginalization in power sharing which led to the ensuring conflict within the ranks of the APC legislators in the NASS, especially in the lower chamber.
From all indications it appears that the APC has been captured by elements of the “New PDP” within the party and that these elements are working with the PDP to undermine the APC and its leadership who is being accused of being insensitive to the groups’ interest as co-stakeholders.
Their reasoning seems to be that the party leadership must not see itself as being supreme to the point of constituting an alternative to equity and justice, or a license to impunity.
The situation is further worsened by the fact that as crisis deepens, members come out with contradicting opinions and statements on the feud.
Meanwhile, the ‘dissident’ group relies on the provision of the law which clearly states that legislators should appoint or elect their own leaders within the two chambers, and that there is no provision that gives the chairman of a party the power to appoint the major officers in the National Assembly.
The unfolding scenario in the National Assembly is a clear confirmation that every political party seeks to acquire political power, but it is more difficult for them to maintain themselves in power.
This appears to be the APC’s challenge today. It is also a warning for APC to negotiate before it rocks the boat, knowing that 2019 is not too far.
.Lulu-Pokubo is a Port Harcourt-based political analyst
Omomye Lulu-Pokubo
In a timetable issued by its National Secretariat in Abuja and signed by the National Organising Secretary, Sulaiman Argungu, the party said the activities were in line with provisions of its constitution guiding the election of party officials across all tiers.
According to the schedule, membership e-registration began on January 31 and ended on February 8, while notices of congresses were dispatched to state and Federal Capital Territory chapters on February 2.
Submission of nomination forms for ward and local government congresses closed on February 9, followed by screening and appeals between February 10 and February 14.
Ward congresses are fixed for February 18, with appeals the following day, while local government congresses will take place on February 21 and appeals on February 23.
At the state level, purchase of forms for state executive positions will run from February 22 to February 25, with screening set for February 27–28 and appeals from March 1–2. State congresses are scheduled for March 3, and appeals on March 4.
Activities leading to zonal congresses and the national convention include purchase and submission of forms between March 12 and March 16, inauguration of screening committees on March 23, and screening of aspirants on March 24. Zonal congresses across the six geo-political zones are slated for March 25, with appeals on March 26.
The party’s national convention will hold from March 27 to March 28.The APC also published fees for expression of interest and nomination forms across the different tiers.
At the ward level, expression of interest costs ?5,000, while nomination forms range from ?15,000 to ?20,000 depending on the position. For local government positions, nomination forms range from ?50,000 to ?100,000 after a ?10,000 expression-of-interest fee.
State executive positions attract ?50,000 for expression of interest, with nomination forms pegged at ?1 million for chairman and ?500,000 for other offices. Zonal offices require ?100,000 expression of interest and ?200,000 for nomination.
For national positions, the fees rise significantly, with expression of interest set at ?100,000. Nomination forms cost ?10 million for national chairman, ?7.5 million for deputy national chairmen and national secretary, ?5 million for other offices, and ?250,000 for National Executive Committee membership.
The party noted that female aspirants, youths and persons living with disabilities would pay only the expression-of-interest fee and 50 per cent of nomination costs. It also clarified that Ekiti, Osun, Rivers states and the FCT are excluded from ward, local government and state congresses, but will participate in electing delegates to the national convention.
Forms are to be completed online after payment verification, with payments directed to designated APC accounts at Zenith Bank and United Bank for Africa.
The congress cycle is expected to determine new party leadership structures ahead of future electoral activities.
The Tide source reports that the committee, reportedly backed by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, is making moves to reclaim the Wadata Plaza headquarters months after it was sealed following a violent clash between rival factions of the party.
Senior officers at the FCT Police Command told our source that while they had not received an official briefing, police personnel would be stationed at the secretariat and other key locations to maintain peace.
The Acting National Secretary of the Mohammed-led committee, Sen. Samuel Anyanwu, announced last week that the secretariat would reopen for official activities on Monday (today).
He dismissed claims that ongoing litigation would prevent the reopening, saying, “There are no legal barriers preventing the caretaker committee from resuming work at the party’s headquarters.”
However, the Tanimu Turaki-led National Working Committee (NWC) has fiercely rejected the reopening move, insisting that Sen. Anyanwu and his group remain expelled from the PDP and have no authority to act on its behalf.
Speaking with The Tide source, the committee’s National Publicity Secretary, Ini Ememobong, declared: “They are living in fool’s paradise. The worst form of deceit is self-deceit, where the person knows he is deceiving himself yet continues with gusto.
“Even INEC, which they claim has recognised them, has denied them. They are indulging in a roller coaster of self-deceit.”
Mr Ememobong further revealed that letters had been sent to both the Inspector-General of Police and the FCT Commissioner of Police, stressing that the matter was still in court and warning against any attempt to “resort to self-help.”
“The case pending before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik was instituted by the expelled members. They cannot resort to self-help until judgment is delivered,” he said.
He warned that reopening the secretariat would amount to contempt of court.
A senior officer at the FCT Police Command, who spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed that officers would be deployed to the area to avert a repeat of the November 19 violence that led to the secretariat’s initial closure.
“The command would not stand by and allow a breakdown of peace and order by the party or anyone else. Definitely, the police will have to be on the ground,” he said.
Another officer added, “There will definitely be men present at the secretariat, but I can’t say the number of police officers that would be deployed.”
When contacted, the FCT Police Public Relations Officer, Josephine Adeh, said she had not been briefed on the planned reopening and declined to comment on whether officers would be deployed.
Asked to confirm whether the secretariat was initially sealed by police, she responded, “Yes,” but refused to say more about the current deployment plans.
The Kano State House of Assembly has debunked the purported impeachment plan against the Deputy Governor, Aminu Gwarzo.
The Tide source recalls that the Kano State Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Waiya, recently sparked controversy during an interview session with a local radio station.
Mr Waiya called on the deputy governor to resign for failing to follow his principal, Gov. Abba Yusuf, in defecting from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).
However, the spokesperson to the Speaker of the state House of Assembly, Kamaluddeen Shawai, while addressing journalists in Kano on Saturday, described reports circulating in some media outlets about Mr Gwarzo’s impeachment as baseless and misleading, emphasising that no such plan is underway.
Mr Shawai further stated that the House remains focused on its legislative duties and oversight functions rather than engaging in speculative political manoeuvres.
The spokesperson urged members of the public and the media to verify information before sharing it, stressing the importance of accurate reporting in maintaining political stability in the state.
He said, “There is absolutely no motion or initiative within the House to remove the deputy governor.
“These reports are false and should be disregarded by the public. The deputy governor continues to serve in his capacity with full support from the House.
“Our priority is good governance and serving the people of Kano, not circulating rumours.”
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