NASS, APC And Politics Of Exclusion

President Muhammadu Buhari and Senate President, Bukola Saraki

The 2015 Nieria general

election in Nigeria has  come and gone. The campaigns really heated up the Polity through the mantra for ‘Change’ versus that of ‘Continuity’. At the end of the day, the All Progressives Congress (APC) defeated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which was in power for 16 years.
The APC also controls majority in both Houses of the National Assembly (NASS-the Senate and House of Representatives).
In a federalism such as Nigeria’s, power sharing and zoning is an integral part of the polity as a result of its diversity (regional, ethnic, religion etc). Consequently, the two major parties in the NASS have key roles to play in stabilizing the polity because of the yearnings and aspirations of the populace.
Unfortunately, the proclamation  of the 8th National Assembly on the 9th of June, 2015 and subsequent election of key officers in both Houses have rekindled  another crisis in the polity and therefore pose a serious concern to the Nigerian citizenry. The festering conflict within the ranks of APC legislators in the NASS especially in the lower chamber, is no doubt an embarrassment to the party and to the surprise of many Nigerians.
There is therefore need to resolve the crisis and end the impasse in the NASS, while the APC leadership should also muster the courage and required capacity to arrest the drift.
It is against this backdrop that it has become pertinent to consider the context of party supremacy and discipline in an attempt to bring stability in the polity, and NASS particularly.
Politics, refers to any human relationship that involves, to a significant extent, control, influence, power and authority. The APC, which is the party in power, seems to be a marriage of inconvenience made up of defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ANC), Congress for Progressive change (CPC), the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), a splinter group of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and much later the defectors from the Peoples Democratic Party called (New PDP).
These groups have their various interests, values and aspirations, but merged first to wrestle power from the PDP behemoth. The most familiar base of influence and power is power itself, hence the struggle for the soul of the APC.
This is very obvious in the manner the positions of presidential candidate, Presidential running mate and party national chairmanship of which Muhammadu Buhari (CPC), Yemi Osibanjo (ACN) and John Odigie Oyegun (ANPP) respectively emerged.
Their peaceful emergence brought a glimmer of hope that the party was on course and can assert itself in all spheres and scheme of things especially after the accompanying victory at polls through fostering of party discipline, supremacy and therefore stability of the nation’s fragile polity.
As a party in power, it hehoves APC to whip its members into line either by use of threat or sanctions. But here again, distribution of positions and offices should not be done to the exclusion of any group as compromise is needed to incorporate all groups after careful consideration of the federal character principle.
The federal character principle is an attempt in search of national integration where there is all inclusiveness. Apart from national integration in a diverse political framework, it also has the ideology of power sharing, political restructuring, equity, justice, gender access and even democratic stability in Nigeria.
The doctrine was formulated to address and hopefully mitigate the problems of lopsidedness so as to ensure a peaceful, stable and integrated Nigeria.
The history of federal character, power sharing and power supremacy in the National Assembly predates the 2nd Republic when the coalition of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and National Peoples Party (NPP) shared power and political offices in the federal Houses, with the NPN producing the Senate President (Dr Joseph Wayas) of the present day South –South region, while the NPP produced Mr. John Wash Pam of the North Central as Deputy Senate President.
In the House of Representatives, Honourable Edwin Gme-Ezeoke (NPP) of the South-East was voted Speaker and Hon. Idris Kuta (NPN) of the North-West was Deputy Speaker.
In 1999, with the beginning of the 4th Republic, the PDP emerged as the party in control after the 1999 election National offices were also shared equitably with the federal character principle in mind. By this formula, president Olusegun Obasanjor came from the South West, Vice President Atiku Abubakar from North-West, Senate, President, Evans Enwerem /Chuba Okadigbo and Ayim Pius Ayim/Adolphus Wagbara/Ken Nnamani from the South East.
The North West produced the Speaker, House of Representatives (Salis Buhari) Ghaali Na-abar and Aminu  Masari) Deputy Senate President came from the North Central with A. Haruna  and  I. Mantu as beneficiaries white the South –South produced the Deputy Speaker, House of Representative (Chibudom Nwuche/Austin Opara.
Then, there was a conscious plan to zone national offices for reasons of equity and justice. This is a result of the role of party supremacy in which the party in Majority would assert its influence, authority and control on its members.
There were, however, occasional changes in occupants of some of those positions as could be noticed in the position of the Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives. This was occasioned by executive interference culminating in impeachment over a period of eight years. Nevertheless, zoning was respected and the six zones benefited from the top six hierarchy.
By 2007, the PDP remained in control of power both at the executive and legislative arms of government with the emergence of David Mark and Miss Patricia Ettch as Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives respectively. For the first time, a female was elected on the floor of the House to the exalted position of fourth citizen of the nation. This act, again, was a conscious arrangement by the ruling PDP to imbibe affirmative action and a sense of belonging to the polity.
In 2011, for instance, the PDP-controlled Senate made another conscious effort to distribute principal positions from which the following emerged: Senate President, David Mark (North Central), Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu (South East), Majority Leader, Victor Ndoma-Egba (South South), Deputy Leader, Abdul Ningi (North East), Majority Whip, S. Gwarzo (North West); and Deputy Whip, Hosea Agboola (South’ West).
In other words, parties in Power and opposition alike are expected to take into consideration the principle of federal character and geo-political spread in the allocation of principal positions so as to achieve the required stability in NASS.
In 2015, the APC with a majority in both Houses is expected to follow similar pattern, but the leadership chose to do otherwise. The first salvo came from President Buhari who said he would not dabble into the affairs of the legislative arm and as such would be willing to work with whoever emerges on the floor of both Houses.
The Vice President, Yemi Osibanjo corroborated Buhari’s remarks, by saying that meril must supersede zoining in appointments to political offices. Oridinarily, these comments are ideal but may not augur well with a group with vested interest in the party.
The party’s leadership endorsed Ahmed Lawan of Yobe State (North East), George Akime of Benue State (North Central),  Femi Gbajabiamila of Lagos State (South West), and Mohammed Monguno of Borno State (North East) for Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker House of Representative and Deputy Speaker respectively. There was no consideration for zoning.
Suddenly, on June 9th, 2015, Bukola Saraki (APC), Ike Ekweremadu (PDP), Yakubu Dogara (APC), and Wale Lasun (APC) were voted as Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker respectively as against the dictates of the party leadership.
This was a grave blunder committed by the party leadership. Not long after, zonal caucuses of the party in  both Houses decried marginalization in power sharing which led to the ensuring conflict within the ranks of the APC legislators in the NASS, especially in the lower chamber.
From all indications it appears that the APC has been captured by  elements of the “New PDP” within the party and that these elements are working with the PDP to undermine the APC and its leadership who is being accused of being insensitive to the groups’ interest as co-stakeholders.
Their reasoning seems to be that the party leadership must not see itself as being supreme to the point of constituting an alternative to equity and justice, or a license to impunity.
The situation is further worsened by the fact that as crisis deepens, members come out with contradicting opinions and statements on the feud.
Meanwhile, the ‘dissident’ group relies on the provision of the law which clearly states that legislators should appoint or elect their own leaders within the two chambers, and that there is no provision that gives the chairman of a party the power to appoint the major officers in the National Assembly.
The unfolding scenario in the National Assembly is a clear confirmation that every political party seeks to acquire political power, but it is more difficult for them to maintain themselves in power.
This appears to be the APC’s challenge today. It is also a warning for APC to negotiate before it rocks the boat, knowing  that 2019 is not too far.
.Lulu-Pokubo is a Port Harcourt-based political analyst

Omomye Lulu-Pokubo