Editorial
That Buhari’s Ministerial List
Last week, the Senate concluded a five-day screening process of ministerial nominees chosen by President Muhammadu Buhari to help him actualise his ‘next level’ agenda. With the confirmation of all the nominees by the Senate, Nigeria now has 43 new ministers – designate pending their inauguration by the President.
Although the list of ministerial nominees arrived at the National Assembly the week that the lawmakers planned to go on their annual recess, they deferred the vacation to attend to this issue of “national importance”.
While we commend the Senate for giving priority attention to this issue of national interest, we are compelled to say that the five-day screening exercise that is now euphemistically referred to as ‘bow and go’, leaves much to be desired. Expectedly, the screening, just like the list itself, has continued to elicit criticisms and condemnation by those who believe that the whole process fell short of international standard.
The Tide is equally perturbed by the list. We observe that the ministerial list is made up of mainly politicians and loyalists of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
Like many other Nigerians, we had looked forward to a list that would consist of more technocrats and averagely young and vibrant Nigerians with proven records of integrity, competence and accountability. Regrettably, however, the average age of the 43 ministers-designate is 60 and they are made up of seven former governors, seven past Senators and 14 Ministers that served during the first term of Buhari’s administration.
This falls short of our expectation and we doubt if this list can take the nation to the next level promised by President Buhari, especially in view of slow economic growth, high rate of unemployment and insecurity that currently stare the nation in the face.
With all sense of decency, we appreciate the fact that a handful of the 43 ministers-designate may indeed have impressive track records that qualify them for the job, we note, however, without equivocation, that some others do not have the prerequisites needed to oil the engine of progress the nation deserves. Besides, the inclusion of some names who, until recently, were standing trial on corruption charges, makes the Buhari anti-graft crusade look like a mere hogwash.
These are some of the areas we had expected the Senate to beam its searchlight on during the screening. But the Red Chamber, sadly, bungled this opportunity to do the needful.
It is disappointing that while the nation had waited with bated breath to witness a more rigorous, thorough, resourceful and purposeful screening exercise, the Senate handed all the nominees a blanket confirmation. Apart from three or four nominees who were grilled and acquitted themselves creditably, the rest confirmation merely served as palliative, parochial and prejudiced political patronage, with more than half of the nominees enjoying the ‘bow and go’ privilege.
Although the ‘bow and go’ rule has been a tradition of the Senate conferring privilege on former federal lawmakers, the 9th Senate extended the magnanimity to past state lawmakers and all the seven female nominees, making the whole process look like a tea party. This ought not to be so.
Again, global practices require the President to attach portfolios to the list of ministerial nominees to be screened by the parliament. This would afford the legislature the opportunity to interrogate nominees on the basis of their portfolios and ascertain their preparedness for public office. Where a nominee fails to demonstrate adequate knowledge and grasp of the office he is screened for, he or she could be dropped in the best interest of the nation.
Unfortunately, President Buhari failed to do this, and this left the Senate with no better option than to ask the nominees random questions. We hope the National Assembly would redress this constitutional lacuna by passing a bill that would make it mandatory for a Nigerian president to attach portfolios to ministerial lists in future.
However, it is now incumbent upon President Buhari to put round pegs in round holes without compromising merit and without favouring one geo-political zone with juicy portfolios than the other.
We also want to urge the president to do away with the policy of keeping non-performing ministers till the end of his four-year tenure as was the case during his first term. As the nation’s chief pilot on whose table the buck stops, he should always do the needful by relieving any minister found wanting or incompetent of his or her appointment. This, we believe, will keep the ministers on their toes and also allow the president to rejig his cabinet with more competent hands.
While the nation awaits the inauguration of the ministers-designate any moment from now, we hope President Buhari will see the need to bequeath a better Nigeria than he met it. The count-down to that better Nigeria has begun.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
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