Opinion
The Challenge Of Democracy
It was a foremost Greek Philosopher, Socrates, who said, Democracy must fall because it will try to tailor to everyone. The poor will want the wealth of the rich and democracy will give it to them. Young people will want to be respected as elderly and democracy will give it to them. Foreigners will want the right of natives and democracy will give it to them. Thieves and fraudsters will want important government functions, and democracy will give it to them. And at that time when thieves and fraudsters finally democratically take authority, because criminals and evil doers want power, there will be worse dictatorship than in the time of any monarchy or oligarchy.” What seems to be a prophecy by Socrates about 2, 624 years ago, has translated to a reality. Today, people in developing democracies of the world are at a cross road, whether to settle for democracy or military rule.
The reasons are not far-fetched: the dictatorship and dictatorial tendencies, bare-faced corruption with impunity, selfishness, mediocrity, tribalism and nepotism, among several other vices, characterise democracies of developing nations. These anormalies further underscore the support for military intervention even though military intervention in constitutional democratic rule is a gross aberration. What could explain the jubilation and commendation that greeted the take-over of power by the junta in Niger Republic. Majority of common people came out in solidarity and support of military coup despite the opposition of, and condemnation by some developed democratic government and regional governments of Economic Community of West African States, (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU).
With fairness to my conscience and respect for grandnorm, which thrives on the rule of law and respect for fundamental human rights, most democracies are a far-cry from what democracy entails. So many of the people who expect the dividends of democracy but finding none, see military intervention as a respite to failed promises, unpopular economic policies, lack of development blue prints, lack of security of lives and property and and absence of welfare for their citizens.Taking a cursory evaluation of democracy in developing nations, it seems that it is being operated by people who do not have the interest of the people they purport to represent at heart. Ideally, democracy should not depart from the core- value of “Government of the people, for the people and by the people”. The import of such value is that power stems from the people, the legitimacy of any government is the prerogative of the people.
Consequently, those who are leaders of the people should at best be described as stewards who are accountable to the people and holding the resources of the people in trust. They should not see themselves as demigods or godfathers, they should not accept worship and should not invent a master-servant and lord-slave scenario, the temptation of abuse of office notwithstanding.When such happens, they lend credibility to Socrates postulation that, “when thieves and fraudsters finally democratically take authority, because criminals and evil doers want power, there will be worst dictatorship than in time of any monarchy or oligarchy”.In its real sense and practice, I consider democracy the best type of leadership for any people because nobody has the right to think for or rule a people without their consent. Dictatorship is not fashionable anywhere, even by God.
Though sovereign and has the capacity and capability to do whatever he wants to do without offering explanation for his actions, God respects the will of man. And though reasonably “autocratic”, God rather appeals than compel humans to do his will. Respect for the will of man as expressed in choice of who should leader them, should be the essence and core of democracy. Though, people including, political scientists have noticed much to their chagrin the apparent sliding of democratic governance to dictatorship with impunity in many developing nations, especially in Africa where good and effective leadership remains a puzzle. What could dispose to such unacceptable situation is because, inordinately ambitious “criminals and evil doers” borrowing the words of Socrates, want to lead by all means, by hook and by crook even though it requires shedding human blood and resorting to unprintable practices to achieve power.
Democracy is a function of good and people-oriented leadership. The people know what is good for them, even as the leaders should also know the felt need and be proactive to address. When this is not done then protests and civil disobedience, as experienced in many African countries, become inevitable. The people’s loyalty to the government can no longer be guaranteed. And what follows is strike action by labour unions, civil society organisations and professional bodies to drive home the grievances of the people and a clamour for a credible alternative in leadership. Democracy in developing countries seems to be rejected by the people in preference for the unpopular military regimes because of the deviation from the tenets of democracy. As a political system or a system of decision making within an institution, democracy was a sophisticated system of rule which originated from the Athens. The beauty of democracy was that all members of society have equal share of power, through their representative(s).
Today, where is Africa and other developing democracies in governance? Let our leaders demonstrate democracy in its real practice and give a flicker of hope to the people. Democracy is a popular type of leadership but the operators of the democratic institutions can make it unpopular and a failed system.
By: Igbiki Benibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm
