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IOCs Divestments: Window For Resource Control

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The current wind of divestments blowing across the Nigerian Oil and Gas industry will benefit a lot of people. In the first instance, it will foster the acceleration and indigenisation of the Oil and Gas value chain of the country. It would also speed up local content development in oil servicing capacity and manpower.
Secondly, and most importantly, most of the petrol dollars generated will remain in the country to boost our wiggling forex supply.
Unfortunately, the indigenous companies taking over these assets must have to grapple with most of the challenges that have for sometime bedeviled the sector, both locally and internationally. Challenges such as the international drought of investors, occasioned by global energy transition trends; insecurity, community restiveness, aging assets and pipeline vandalism.
The history of International Oil Companies’ (IOCs’) divestments dates back to 1991, during the regime of military Head of State, Ibrahim Babangida. It was facilitated by Prof Jubril Aminu, leading to the emergence of Muhammadu Indimi’s Oriental Energy as acquirers of Oil Prospecting Licenses (OPL) 124 and Mike Adenuga’s Conoil acquiring OPL 113. The next signpost activity that brought in local players into the industry was the sale of mining licenses for marginal field in 2001. However, the next major wave of divestments occurred between 2010 to 2014. This wave ushered in big industry players like Seplant, Oando and others, culminating in the acquisition of 12 Oil Mining Licenses (OMLs) amounting to $6.4 billion.
So far, a roll call of all the indigenous companies, both those who are the original owners of their mining licenses and those who acquired divested OMLs shows that, aside from Delta State, all other Niger Delta states are underrepresented. For instance, the major name associated with Aiteo is Benetict Peters, from Ebonyi State; Dr. ABC Orijako, from Anambra State, is the co-founder of Seplant. OML 60, 61, 62 and 63 were acquired by Oando Energy Resources, yet I am not aware of any state, or individuals from the Niger Delta owning controlling shares.
Since 2015, divestments have continued, but 2021 saw a major uptick in divestments activities, leading to what is arguably the largest divestments in the Nigerian Oil and Gas industry, with Tony Elumelu’s TNOG Oil and Gas Limited acquiring 45 per cent stake of OML 17 owned by Shell , Total and Eni. The current production output of OML 17 is pegged at 27,000 BPD. While Mobil Producing Nigerian Unlimited (MPNU) is divesting all its assets, both oil and gas fields to Seplant, a wholly owned Nigerian company, listed both in London and Nigerian Stock Exchange.
Given the amount of agitation over resource control in the past, and very recently, over the the Petroleum Industry Act, one should think that our agitation would have transitioned to capacity building in order to fully participate in the ongoing divestments of OMLs within our domain.
It is indeed a shame that from my observation so far, core oil producing states and communities have taken the role of onlookers. I am very sure that the Federal Government did not bar Niger Deltans from preparing in advance for a time like this.
People in the Niger Delta seem to have acquiesced to a new status quo, where people are allowed to vandalize pipe lines and siphon crude for illegal refining sites, in spite of the monumental damage it is inflicting on forests, swamps, creeks and rivers, destroying means of livelihoods in the process.
Recently, the Managing Director of NNPC, Mele Kyari, announced that a policy is being put in place to guide the current wave of divestments to ensure that stem issues regarding assets decommissioning and abandonment.
Unfortunately, states in the Niger Delta seem oblivious to the trends, because I am yet to hear or read about any such policy statements from any state in the region. The only action is the case of Akwa Ibom State and Mobil; which is reactionary. In my considered opinion, Niger Delta is being left out by choice.
In the past, the only hope in local content development rising from the core Niger Delta was Monipulo, but since the demise of its founder, High Chief, Dr. O B Lulu Briggs, so much has not been heard of the company; especially as it concerns expansion and in playing a major role in this current wave of divestments.
Speaking in an event recently, the MD NNPC, Mele Kyari stated very clearly the intention of the Federal Government is to ensure that every divestment is made in such a way that it protects the interest of the country. He cited issues of capacity, competence and investment as necessary criterion for okaying any deal. This is good, but it does not in any way assuage my apprehension that the Niger Delta would receive the left foot.
Is there something we are not being told? Or, are we as Niger Deltans being given the short end of the stick again? Since the noise of this current IOCs divestments started sounding louder, I am yet to hear any of our big names, Edwin Clark, or any other notable names comment on it. Neither has the Ijaw National Congress or any group in the Niger Delta commented on the fact that a good number of the oil fields in our region is being divested from the IOCs to indigenous companies in which Niger Deltans might not have a major shares.
Another area that is shocking to me is that states in the Niger Delta, especially, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa and Delta are still unable to setup oil and gas producing companies of their own, individually; or create a special purpose vehicle for this laudable endeavour. How come in this day and age, after all we have been through as a people, we are still unable to get our act together and take those steps that will improve the wealth of our people?
Former President Obasanjo raised some dust, not too long ago, when he commented that the oil and gas in the Niger Delta belongs to the Nigerian state. As a lay man I struggle to understand how the governor of a state controls the land, but the FG is in charge of what is under; but this is the reality in the Niger Delta, even though no one has given us a clear idea as to how the revenue accruing from all the gold mined in Zamfara is shared. Unfortunately, it is what it is, and there is nothing we can do about it unless a semblance of balance is created in the the National Assembly.
As a keen observer, I am aware of the impact a company like Minipulo has made across the Niger Delta and the country at large. Here is an indigenous Niger Delta company, operating in the Niger Delta, paying its due to the Federal Government and serving its people.

By: Raphael Pepple

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Opinion

Trans-Kalabari  Road:  Work In Progress 

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Quote:”This Dream project  is one of  the best things that have happened  to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas in recent times.”
This is the concluding part of this story featured in our last edition.
Good road network helps farmers to convey their agro-allied products to  commercial hubs where buyers and sellers meet periodically to transact business. Road network engineers and motivates people resident in unfriendly geographical terrains, like riverine areas,  to own property and shuttle home with ease. Some people will prefer living in their own houses in a more serene and nature-blessed communities to living in the city that is fraught with  pollution, and other environmental, social and economic hazards. Prior to the cult epidemic that ravaged parts of Rivers State, the Emohuas, Elemes, Ogonis, and Etches were known for rural dwelling. Most public servants from these areas do their official and private transactions from  their villages. For them it was comparatively easier to live in the village and engage in a diversified economic endeavours through farming, fishing or other lucrative business without outrageous charges and embarrassment associated with doing business in Port Harcourt, where land is as scarce as the traditional needle.
That is why the decision to construct the Trans-Kalabari Road by the administration of Dr. Peter Odili was one of the best decisions that administration took. When Dr. Odili vacated office as the Rivers State Governor, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi took over and awarded contracts for continuation of the road project which in my considered view is the felt need of  the people of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. Unfortunately, Rt. Hon. Amaechi’s efforts to drive the project was sabotaged by some contractors some of whom are Kalabari people. The main  Trans-Kalabari Road is one project that is dear to the people and residents of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas of Rivers State. This is because through the road commuters can easily access several communities in the three local government areas. For instance, the road when completed will enable access to eight of the ten communities in Degema Local Government Area,  namely: Bukuma, Tombia,  Bakana, Oguruama, Obuama, Usokun, Degema town  and the Degema Consulate. It will also link 15 of the 16 communities in Asari Toru Local Government Area. The communities are: Buguma, the local government headquarters, Ido, Abalama, Tema, Sama, Okpo, Ilelema, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama, Krakrama, Omekwe-Ama, Angulama. The road will also connect  14  of 17 wards in Akuku Toru Local Government Area, and other settlements. It is interesting to note that It is faster,  and far more convenient and economical for the catchment Communities on the Trans-Kalabari Road network to go to the State Capital than the East West Road.  The people of the three local government areas will prefer  to work or do their transactions in Port Harcourt from their respective communities to staying in Port Harcourt where the house rent and the general cost of living is astronomically high.
 Consequently, development will seamlessly spread to the 28 out of 34 communities of Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas. The only Communities that are not linked by the road project are Oporoama in Asari Toru,  the Ke and  Bille Communities in Degema Local Government Area and the “Oceania” communities of Abissa, Kula, Soku, Idama, Elem Sangama of Akuku Toru Local Government Area. But because of the economic value of the unlinked Communities to Nigeria, (they produce substantial oil and gas in the area), the Federal, State Governments and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), can extend the road network to those areas just as Bonny is linked to Port Harcourt and the Lagos Mainland Bridge is connecting several towns in Lagos and neighbouring States.Kudos to previous administrations who  had constructed the Central Group axis.
 However, what is said to be the First Phase of the Trans-Kalabari Road project is actually a linkage of the “Central Group” Communities which consists of Krakrama, Angulama, Omekwe. Ama, Omekwe Tari Ama, Ifoko, Tema, Sangama. It is the peripheral of the Trans-Kalabari Road. The completion of the  Main Trans Kalabari project will free Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor areas from congestion. It will motivate residents and people of the three local areas to contribute to the development of their Communities. If the Ogonis, Etches, Emohuas, Oyigbos, Okrikas, Elemes can feel comfortable doing business in Port Harcourt from home, residents and people whose communities are linked to Port Harcourt through the Trans-Kalabari Road will no doubt, do likewise. The vast arable virgin land of the Bukuma people can be open for development and sustainable agricultural ventures by Local, State and Federal Government.
It is necessary to recall that the Bukuma community was host to the Federal Government’s Graduate Farmers’ Scheme and the Rivers State Government moribund School-to-Land Scheme under Governor Fidelis Oyakhilome. Bukuma was the only community in Degema, Asari Toru and Akuku Toru Local Government Areas that has the capacity to carry those agricultural programmes. However the lack of road to transport farm produce to Port Harcourt and facilitate the movement of the beneficiaries of the scheme who lived in the community which is several miles away from the farms, hampered the sustainability of the programme. The main Trans-Kalabari Road remains the best gift to the people of Degema, Asari Toru, and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas. Kudos to Sir Siminilayi Fubara.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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Opinion

That  U.S. Capture of Maduro

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Quote:”Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction.”
The first part of this story was published in our last edition.
 
In Africa and the Middle East, regime change—whether by invasion, proxy warfare, or sanctions—has often left behind fractured states, weakened institutions, and prolonged instability. Washington’s motivations in Venezuela are widely understood: vast oil reserves, alliances with U.S. rivals, and symbolic defiance of American influence in the Western Hemisphere. But none of these reasons confer legal or moral legitimacy. Strategic convenience does not nullify sovereignty. Political frustration does not authorise military abduction. If every powerful nation acted on its grievances in this manner, global chaos would inevitably follow. International law provides mechanisms for accountability. Under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), individuals accused of crimes against humanity or other grave offences are subject to investigation and prosecution through judicial processes.
Likewise, extradition treaties, mutual legal assistance agreements, and Interpol mechanisms exist to ensure accountability while respecting due process. These frameworks were designed precisely to prevent unilateral enforcement of “justice” by military force. The most profound consequence of America’s action may not be in Caracas, but in the precedent it sets. If the world accepts that a superpower can unilaterally depose another country’s president, then the foundation of the international system is weakened. Sovereignty becomes conditional—no longer a right, but a privilege tolerated at the discretion of the powerful. Going forward, if another country invades its neighbour, will the United States retain the moral authority to impose sanctions or demand restraint? Some analysts already warn that parallels between Russia’s actions in Ukraine and America’s conduct in Venezuela risk further eroding global norms. Selective adherence to international law breeds cynicism and accelerates the drift toward a world governed by force rather than rules.
Power—military, economic, or political—should serve human progress and collective well-being, not domination and destruction. For African nations, many of which emerged from colonial rule through bitter struggle, this precedent is especially alarming. Sovereignty is not an abstract legal concept; it is a hard-won shield against external domination. Any erosion of that principle anywhere weakens it everywhere. Africa’s painful history of foreign interference makes this lesson especially urgent.  For me, the real issue is not whether Nicolás Maduro is a good or bad leader. That judgment belongs, first and foremost, to the Venezuelan people. The larger issue is whether the international system still operates on law—or has quietly reverted to hierarchy. If America insists it is defending global order, it must ask itself a difficult question: can an order survive when its most powerful guardian feels entitled to violate it? Until that question is answered honestly, the capture of a foreign president will remain not a triumph of justice, but a troubling symbol of a world drifting from law toward force.
If the United States felt so strongly about the allegations of terrorism, drug trafficking  against Maduro, were there no other lawful options? Judicial accountability, diplomacy, regional mediation, and multilateral pressure may be slow and imperfect, but they reflect respect for international law and sovereign equality. Military seizure is a blunt instrument. It humiliates institutions, radicalizes populations, and hardens resistance. It may remove a leader, but it rarely resolves the underlying crisis. History teaches that military interventions seldom result in stable democratic outcomes. More often, they breed resentment, resistance, and long-term instability. For the sake of global order and the rule of law, the United States should reconsider this path and recommit to diplomacy, legal cooperation, and respect for the sovereign equality of states. Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly described the invasion of Venezuela as “unlawful and unwise,” warning that such actions “do not make America safer, stronger, or more affordable.” Her words reflect a growing recognition, even within the United States, that force without legitimacy undermines both moral authority and global stability.
Should what happened in Venezuela serve as a wake-up call for corrupt African leaders who undermine the people’s right to choose their leaders? The answer is yes. The capture of Maduro should alarm African leaders who manipulate elections, weaken institutions, suppress opposition, undermine citizens’ rights, or cling to power at all costs. Venezuela faced widespread criticism over disputed elections and repression long before this episode, and that context shaped how the world reacted. This does not justify foreign military intervention, but it highlights an uncomfortable truth: prolonged democratic decay isolates nations and invites external pressure—from sanctions to diplomatic censure. Global opinion matters, and legitimacy at home strengthens sovereignty abroad. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and several African leaders have rightly condemned the events in Venezuela, invoking the principles of sovereignty and non-interference enshrined in international and regional law.
Beyond condemnation, however, African leaders must look inward. The continent’s future cannot be built on repression, constitutional manipulation, and personal greed. Leadership must reflect the will of the people, not desperation for power. Two days ago, a social commentator on a radio station argued that Trump’s action—though condemnable—demonstrates how far a leader can go for his country’s interest. According to this view, he did not intervene in Venezuela for personal enrichment, but to strengthen his nation. In stark contrast, many African leaders plunder their own countries. They siphon public resources, impose crushing taxes and harmful policies, and leave their citizens poorer—all for selfish gain. That contradiction is the deeper lesson Africa must confront.True sovereignty is protected not only by international law, but by accountable leadership at home.
 By:  Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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