Editorial
Beyond London Education Summit
Concerned about the growing figure of out-of-school children worldwide, a few world leaders lately met
and raised $5 billion from donors to assist the education sector in approximately 90 countries, with a huge out-of-school children’s population. The Global Education Summit was co-hosted by the United Kingdom Prime Minister, Boris Johnson, and Kenyan President, Uhuru Kenyatta, in London. The assembly was aimed at making global leaders invest more in education and enhance access for girls.
A record US$4 billion was raised from donors for the Global Partnership for Education (GPE). This fundraising cumulative places GPE firmly in the direction of attaining its goal of realising at least $5 billion over the next five years to transform education for millions of the world’s most susceptible children. A funded GPE would allow up to 175 million children to learn and assist 88 million more girls and boys in school by 2025.
In addition to the US$4 billion pledged from donors, 19 Heads of State and Government pledged to spend at least 20% of national budgets on education, rallying behind a political declaration on education financing led by Kenyatta. Over the next five years, the countries that signed the declaration will commit up to US$196 billion in funding for education. These commitments are an essential safeguard against lost learning as a result of the economic impact of Covid-19.
Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari and other world leaders participated in the summit which held between 28 and 29 July, 2021. This two-day hybrid event brought together leaders from governments, corporations, the private sector and development banks to dedicate funds and support to the education of children in the poorest countries of the world.
At the occasion, Buhari promised to raise Nigeria’s education budget by 50 per cent over the next two years. That is laudable if it is faithfully enforced. The promise was contained in a document entitled, “Heads of State call to action on education financing ahead of the Global Education Summit,” signed as a form of commitment at the summit. It is a move in the right direction.
Nigeria has an education system that is essentially vulnerable and underfunded, with record levels of out-of-school children worldwide. Properly implemented, the pact at the summit may modify the dynamic. While this development is encouraging, it nevertheless highlights the wishful thinking of a government that has completely ignored UNESCO’s recommendation for education funding.
According to the Education for All programme, the organisation recommends that countries should devote 4.0% to 6.0% of the GDP to education, and within the government budget, 15% to 20% should be dedicated to education. Sadly, Buhari allocated N369.6 billion to education in 2016, which amounted to 6.7 per cent of the national budget of N6.06 trillion. In 2017, N550.5 billion or 7.38 per cent of the N7.29 trillion budget was allocated to the sector.
In 2018, N605.8 billion out of the N9.12 trillion budget, indicating 7.04 per cent, was allotted to education; in 2019, it was N620.5 billion, signifying 7.05 per cent of the N8.92 trillion budget. In 2020, N671.07 billion of N10.33 trillion, which amounted to 6.7 per cent, was given to the sector; while in 2021, the sector got N742.5 billion of the N13.6 trillion budget, representing 5.6 per cent.
These budgetary allocations represent a paltry sum in key areas and are not unique to this administration. In addition, the lack of funding from previous governments for education has adversely affected the prosperity of that sector. As our education sector faces impediments, it is anticipated that the government will improve quality, promote growth, increase competitiveness, stimulate research and encourage teachers.
However, a one-time promise that is unlikely to be realised is not what it takes to infuse life into a stupefied system as President Buhari has vowed. It must be overhauled. A bottom-up, targeted and pragmatic approach is urgently needed to allow Nigeria’s primary, secondary and university education to compete globally to address the policy.
Nigeria is said to have received substantial financing from GPE. In June 2021, the GPE formally announced the approval of a new grant of $125 million for the country, an education programme that will be implemented by the World Bank in Oyo, Katsina and Adamawa States. It was good for Buhari to have participated in the GPE Summit. The future of Nigerian children is not promising, particularly when it comes to the growing number of out-of-school children, which stands at 13.5 million with almajiris making up about 72% of this figure.
The recent wave of mass abductions and kidnappings of students is arguably the greatest existential threat to the future of education in Northern Nigeria. What makes school kidnappings in the North bad in the long run is that they combine two negative trolls. The first is Boko Haram’s retrogressive doctrine that “Western education is bad,” and the second is motivated by the search for ransom for criminal commercial reasons. These two are now inextricably linked.
The North is already plagued by endemic poverty, religious and cultural practices that bode ill for Western education, and a pervasive systemic crisis in Nigeria’s education system. Thus, the advent of kidnapping schoolchildren for ransom is an ominous gathering cloud, whose forecoming rains may have catastrophic and far-reaching consequences, not only for Northern Nigeria but the entire country.
Schools must be urgently protected from bandits and insurgents. And education budgets have to be protected. Records show that for the last ten years, the allocation to the Nigerian education sector has not reached the 10-15% recommended by UNESCO in developing countries. This has led to teacher strikes at all levels of the stratum, with other calamities that have reduced the once-proud education sector into a complete laughing stock in international education rating standards.
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
