Opinion
U.K. Parliament And Sharia Jinx
We live in a world where many people rarely recognize or care about what is happening at the moment, until the event is past and gone; then would come many analysts with dissecting tools. This is the case with rumours about Islamization agenda, Fulanisation, introduction of Sharia Law in a democracy, etc. A jinx may be called an enigma, and rumours that pass understanding usually pave ways for surprises and intrigues.
The Tide newspaper of Friday, June 7, 2019, had a front-page news titled “Insecurity: Danjuma, Lekwot, Others Drag Buhari to UK Parliament”. Any reader going through that news item with thoroughness would not fail to have a serious concern about the security and future of this country. During the Presidency of Goodluck Jonathan when Boko Haram terrorist group was asked to nominate a representative towards a dialogue, the name of Buhari featured then. Expectedly, he denied any association with the group.
Why was Buhari dragged to UK Parliament by some eminent Nigerians, with allegation of “pursuing a jihad or Islamisation agenda”? Acting under the aegis of Nigerian Christian Elders Forum (NCEF), other members of the group embarked on the mission with UK Parliament are formidable Nigerians. In a preamble to the petition, we hear that “British man on the spot, Lord Luggard, promoted Islam by preventing proselytisation in Muslim areas of Nigeria …” Lord Luggard obviously loved the Northerners!
But the major concern of this write-up would focus on serious allegations by the NCEF which must not be swept under the carpet. Is it not true that “the Intelligence Service is the only organization in Nigeria since independence that has not been subjected to a commission of inquiry “ – Why so! Is there no truth in the statement that that organization “became an instrument for the protection of Muslims and the promotion of Sharia”? When we talk about cabal, crypocracy or “invisible government”, can such not refer to the Intelligence Service?
Is it a mere allegation that “a former Governor of Borno State started the Boko Haram and co-opted the head of Boko Haram set, Mohammed Yusuf, into his cabinet”? Is it a false allegation that “the telephone of a terrorist was discovered to contain numbers of government and top officials in the Armed Forces”? A part of the NCEF memo also states that “it is also clear that it is stealth jihad to have a constitution that prohibits State Police even as money in billions of dollars is voted for vigilantes and religious police …”?
Is there no link between Boko Haram and armed Fulani herdsmen, fuelling the suspicion of conspiracy in some quarters? More worrisome in the position of the NCEF are statements credited to President Buhari over some past years; some of which include the followings:
“I can die for the course of Islam, if necessary. We are prepared to fight another civil war”; “We cannot be blackmailed into killing the Sharia idea. Sharia must be spread all over Nigeria”; “Boko Haram members should be pampered and given VIP treatment but not killed. It is injustice to kill them”; “Muslims should only vote those who will promote Islam …”
If the excerpts quoted above represent true statements emanating from Buhari over several years, they are clear representations of a definite mindset. Let it not be said that Muslims are more zealous about their religion than Christians; rather, the issue is that Nigeria is a secular democracy. It may be said that Lord Luggard fell in love with the Fulanis of his time, but it should not be assumed that he handed Nigeria over to them as a group.
What should be an enigma in the jinxed issues of Islamisation, Fulanisation and the spread of Sharia Law across Nigeria, is the late awakening of some warlords of the Nigeria Civil War, who feature as members of the NCEF. Why is it that issues of Islamisation and jihadist agenda are being recognized now rather than long ago? Did those who took part in the Civil War, especially what happened after June 1966; not see evidence of some hidden agenda?
Is it not possible that the obvious one-sidedness of the “war against corruption” may have some jihadist agenda behind it? May the UK Parliament do justice to the issue brought before it, including the N82bn seized late Abacha loot.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
