Opinion
Solving Nigeria’s Economic Problem
It has become of primary importance to solve the economic crisis in Nigeria. Several ideologies have been spotted by different people in different fields, yet the economy is worsening.
Comparing the country today and decades back, it is obvious that the economy is on the deteriorating side. How then can this problem be solved?
Fifty-seven years after, we are still stuck in the mud. Observe the environs, you will see we can hardly boast of roads that are devoid of potholes. Public schools deteriorate, our hospitals remain in stagnant condition. Our international airports are an epitome of underdevelopment, civil service is at the point of decay. Nothing can easily be done in any public or private firm without corruption. Ethnic and religious crises are on the increase.
Nigeria, which is a product of the amalgamation of the northern and southern regions, initially was designed as a country that would experience a great trend of development as it combines the resources of both regions. But the reverse has become the case.
In 1960, Nigeria got her independence. This literally means Nigerians have been in charge of the government from 1960 till date. From 1960-1985, there are four development plans in Nigeria which were referred to as the First, Second, Third and Fourth National Development Plans. Each of them had a well articulated objectives. The full achievements were, however, interrupted by two major political events: the military intervention in 1966 and the civil war of 1967-70.
These major interruptions notwithstanding, both the federal and regional governments recorded a number of landmark achievements during the development plan period.
The federal government alone successfully executed projects like the oil refinery in Port Harcourt, the paper mill, the sugar mill and the Niger Dam (in Jebba and Bacita respectively), the Niger bridge and ports extension, while it also constructed a number of trunk ‘A’ roads.
It is interesting to note that it was also during this period that the first generation universities were established. Ibadan and Lagos by the federal government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, (UNN), by the Eastern government and the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) by the Western government. Despite the political crisis, these great achievements were made because of the existence of a working budget operated within the development plan framework.
General Yakubu Gowon launched the Second National Development Plan in 1970 on behalf of the federal and the government of the then twelve (12) states. Because it was a post war development plan, it focuses on rebuilding the destroyed economy and promotion of economic and social development in the new Nigeria.
The Third Development Plan was also launched by Gen. Gowon. The implementation of the plan which covered a five-year period from April 1975 – March 1980, failed to be implemented due to the change of government barely three months after the launch of the plan.
The Fourth National Development Plan was launched by President Shehu Shagari in 1981 on behalf of the federal and 19 states governments. This plan was again affected by the change of government in 1983 and another change in 1985.
The journey towards neglecting development plans in Nigeria started from October 1988, Babangida, in response to the problems encountered during the Fourth Development Plan, the five-year development plan, was left for a rolling plan.
This plan was to be operated along with a 12 to 20 year perspective plan and the normal operational annual budgets. In the same way that the traditional five-year development plan was jettisoned by the Babangida administration, the idea of rolling plan was also shelved in 1996 by General Sani Abacha for Vision 2010, which was launched on Sepember 18, 1996.
From our discussion so far, it can be seen that the military intervention in 1966 and its subsequent prolonged rule in Nigeria became the genesis of truncating the process of adhering to national development planning as a strategy for economic and social development.
Meanwhile corruption is one inherent feature that has hastened the deteriorating development status of this country. The federal, states and even local government is a team which has been on a quest to tackling the lingering corruption in Nigeria.
Within the last 3-4 decades, so much money had been made from oil, such that if properly managed, it would have made Nigeria a better place today. The money that is meant for infrastructure which will in turn foster development, had ended up in the pockets of private men and women who had been given the mandate to pursue the said national development. You will never hear that the refineries work completely rather, when it is at its peak then it must have worked upto 70% (percent). Meanwhile the looters go on embezzling 100% percent.
The establishment of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) as well as the Code of Conduct Bureau and its tribunal is a laudable start in the war against corruption. Unfortunately, though some successes have been registered by these bodies, the general impression is that the bodies have gone after the tail of the monster of corruption rather than its head.
If corruption is to be given a short shift in Nigeria, then the social, business and bureaucratic environments must be corruption hostile rather than friendly. This means that there must be well founded comprehensive public education and enlightenment programmes on the nature of corruption as well as the negative effects of corruption in the Nigerian polity.
Nigeria has indeed been endowed with all the human and natural resources it takes and requires to become a great African and world power. But she cannot achieve that potential by relying on mediocrity and people of questionable integrity to run her affairs.
I agree with the millions of Nigerians that think leadership is the major issue confronting the nation’s development and the failure to implement development plans and corruption generally. Nigeria today is an outcome of the wrong leaders that had emerged.
I therefore advise we should elect God-fearing leaders that have the country and its populace at heart. Leaders that are competent and patriotic. That is the solution to our present economic challenges.
Tamunosaki wrote from Port Harcourt.
Bobmanuel Tamunosaki
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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