Opinion
This Policy Has Failed
Whistle blowing is a recognised concept adopted by many countries. It is a policy that has helped many nations in the fight against corruption. That explains why many people saw the introduction of whistle blowing policy by the Federal Government as a major positive step in the nation’s fight against corruption.
The primary goal of the policy, according to the Minister of Finance, Mrs Kemi Adeosun, is to support the fight against financial crimes and corruption by increasing exposure of financial crimes thereby developing a corruption – free society and attract more foreign investors.
To encourage whistle blowers, the minister assured them of adequate protection from harassment or intimidation. As a government’s policy, the whistle blower is entitled to a minimum of 2.5 per cent and a maximum of five per cent of the recovered loot, provided that “there is a voluntary return of stolen or concealed public funds or assets on the account of the information provided”
Recently, the upper chamber of the National Assembly provided a legal backing to the policy by passing the Whistle Blower Protection Bill into law. This is “to protect persons making disclosure for the public interest and others from reprisals, to provide for the matters disclosed to be properly investigated and dealt with and other purposes related therewith.”
However, a situation where some whistle blowers have been forced out of their jobs and it takes ages to pay them their rewards have made many wonder about the workability of the policy.
Currently, there is a sort of war between the whistle blower who informed the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) of the N18bn Osbornegate in an Ikoyi apartment and the Federal Government over the delayed payment of his reward. Seven months after the looted fund was recovered, the authorities concerned have not kept their own part of the deal by ensuring that the whistle blower receives his reward.
While speaking at the 7th Session of the Conference of State Parties to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, the Acting Chairman, Ibrahim Magu, claimed that the individual who helped uncover the Osbornegate loot had become a millionaire. This claim was, however vehemently denied by both the whistle blower and his lawyer who said he had not been paid a penny. The Finance Minister, on the other hand, continues to assure that the money will be paid this month.
Most baffling is a statement credited to both the Chairman, Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption, Prof Itse Sagay(SAN) and Magu that the reason for the delay was to adequately counsel the whistle blower on how to make good use of the N860m commission of the recovered loot.
“We are currently working on the young man because this is just a man who has not seen one million Naira of his own before. So, he is under counseling on how to make use of the money and also the security implication. We don’t want anything bad to happen to him after taking delivery of his entitlement. He is a national pride”, said Magu
What kind of preposterous argument is that? What business of government is it to tell the whistle blower how to spend the money? From available records, the man is above 18 years and so is old enough to know what to do with his money. He does not necessarily need a counselor’s input to do that.
Again, why is it that it was at the time of claiming his reward that his mental capacity is being questioned, as his lawyer revealed? Did the EFCC or anyone bother about his mental health as at the time he provided information about the looted fund?
One wonders how the whistle blowing policy will be expected to yield the much desired result with all the scandalous stories already surrounding it. With the way the Ikoyi whistle blower has been exposed and badly treated, how do we expect other people to expose financial crime in the country, knowing that in doing so they will be endangering their lives without adequate compensation and protection? Will that not jeopardize the anti corruption war?
By: Calista Ezeaku.
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
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