Editorial
RSG, NJC And The Judiciary
Rivers State Governor, Chibuike Rotimi
Amaechi last Thursday, signed into law
the State High Court (Amendment) Bill 2014 which amended section 40 of the principal law of 2001. Part of the new law empowers the Chief Registrar to assign cases to judges and perform other administrative duties pending the appointment of either an Acting Chief Judge or a substantive one.
This intervention by the state House of Assembly deserves thorough appraisal. The amendment which was passed by 17 lawmakers after a public hearing last Wednesday, was, without doubt, meant to address the void caused by the impasse over the appointment of a Chief Judge for Rivers State, and its attendant stagnation of the courts in Port Harcourt.
Ordinarily, the appointment of a Chief Judge should not generate such bad blood if the laws of the land are respected.
Section 271(1) of the 1999 constitution as amended states: “The appointment of a person to the office of Chief Judge of a state shall be made by the Governor of the state on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council (NJC) subject to confirmation of the appointment by the House of Assembly.” This means, the appointment of a Chief Judge must enjoy inputs from the three arms of government, namely the Executive, the Judiciary itself and indeed the Legislature.
However, Section 271 (4) spells out the process for the appointment of an Acting Chief: “If the office of the Chief Judge of a state is vacant or if the person holding the office is for any reason unable to perform the functions of the office, then until a person has been appointed to and has assumed the functions of that office, or until the person holding the office had resumed those functions, the Governor of the state shall appoint the most senior Judge of the High Court to perform those functions.
In this respect, the state Governor appointed Justice Peter Agumagu, who the state insists is the most senior Judge even though he later became President of the Customary Court of Appeal, a position which the National Judicial Council (NJC) considered illegal preferring instead, Justice Daisy Okocha as most senior of the High Court. In the impasse that followed, both the Rivers State Government and the NJC stuck to their own understanding of the constitutional provision, until the former approached the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt to seek legal interpretation.
The Tide learnt that the Justice Akanbi-Federal High Court gave the NJC power to recommend would-be Chief Judge nominees to the Governor but that such recommendations are not sacrosanct as a governor could either accept or reject same.
That being the case, the NJC should have challenged the Judge’s pronouncement on appeal as soon as the ruling was made available to it. That way, any likely derailment of the constitutional process, in the appointment of a Chief Judge, would have been addressed.
Instead, the impasse was allowed to escalate culminating in the suspension of Justice Agumagu and the assigning of administrative duties to Justice Daisy Okocha, a step which the state government insists, lacks constitutional backing, hence, an illegality.
Sadly, in the midst of the protracted log jam, the loser remains the state and indeed litigants seeking justice, not to mention staff of the state judiciary who are still on strike over fears for their lives, among many other concerns.
Perhaps, the State Assembly, considered it as most crucial imperative to save the judiciary from total stagnation by opening doors to litigants and others who may seek justice. This is because, without such cases being assigned to competent courts and judges, the stagnation would linger on.
It is from this perspective that The Tide greets the opening created by the Assembly for the Chief Registrar, to temporarily assign cases, pending the resolution of the substantive disagreement. We urge all stakeholders to appreciate the plight of the ordinary man and woman in search of justice, and sheathe their swords. After all, the judiciary remains the common man’s last hope, which, when denied could push many to try dangerous alternatives.
The Tide urges the NJC to challenge the Akanbi ruling on the issue, if it is not satisfied, as the first necessary step of demonstrating its respect for the rule of law which can be protected only, when, it is clearly shown that none is above the law. The easiest way is to respect court rulings on contentious issues, no matter how unpalatable they might be.
That indeed is the beauty of our legal system.
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INEC’s Threat Alert Deserves Urgent Attention
The Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) disclosure of an alleged plot to target its ad hoc personnel ahead of the 2027 general elections demand urgent national attention. The reported arrest of suspects, with intelligence support from the Department of State Services (DSS), is encouraging, but must not breed complacency. Any attack on electoral workers threatens not only human lives but also Nigerians’ constitutional right to choose their leaders through credible elections. The alleged conspiracy must be thoroughly investigated, its sponsors identified and all those found culpable prosecuted.
Particularly troubling is the reported targeting of National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members, who play a vital role in Nigeria’s electoral process. Many serve far from home and undertake sensitive assignments at polling units and other electoral locations. As civilians, they should not be exposed to intimidation, abduction or violence without adequate protection. If election workers are vulnerable, the safety of other officials, observers and voters cannot be guaranteed.
Nigeria’s electoral history offers painful lessons. Human Rights Watch reported in Nigeria’s Post-Election Violence, published in May 2011, that more than 800 people died in the violence following the 2011 general elections. NYSC members serving as electoral officials were among the victims. This tragedy underscores the deadly consequences of political tension, incitement and disputed outcomes. Nigeria must act on the latest warning before another preventable disaster occurs.
INEC deserves recognition for uncovering the alleged plot, while the DSS and other security agencies merit commendation for their reported assistance. However, arrests are only the beginning. Investigators must establish the suspects’ identities, motives, networks and intended targets, ensuring that evidence is admissible in court. The process must remain impartial and free from political interference. Credible public updates are also necessary, provided they do not compromise investigations or operational security.
The authorities must adopt a comprehensive, intelligence-led security strategy for 2027. INEC’s proposed security conference should produce practical measures developed in collaboration with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES), the police, the DSS and other relevant agencies. Threat assessments should guide personnel deployment, secure transportation, emergency communications, evacuation procedures and rapid response. Protection must extend beyond polling day to the distribution of sensitive materials, collation centres and the safe return of ad hoc personnel.
Those who provide intelligence must also be protected from retaliation. Confidential reporting channels and appropriate safeguards should be established for informants and others assisting investigations. Equally, security deployments must not intimidate voters or facilitate political repression. Personnel should act professionally, impartially and proportionately, within the law. Clear mechanisms for reporting misconduct and investigating abuses are essential to maintaining public confidence.
The threat also highlights broader concerns about trust in the electoral system. The European Union Election Observation Mission’s June 2023 final report identified shortcomings in transparency and operational implementation during Nigeria’s 2023 general elections, alongside concerns about the legal framework and electoral dispute resolution. Credible elections require more than security; they depend on transparent procedures, accountable officials and consistent enforcement of electoral laws. INEC must demonstrate measurable progress in addressing previously identified weaknesses.
Voter apathy presents another challenge. INEC’s published figures indicate that approximately 25 million people voted in the 2023 presidential election, out of about 93.5 million registered voters, a turnout of roughly 26.7 per cent. Although insecurity is not the sole cause of low participation, threats against electoral personnel can heighten public anxiety and discourage voters from exercising their franchise. INEC should strengthen civic education, improve polling accessibility and communicate procedures clearly. Political parties, civil society and the media must promote peaceful participation and reject electoral intimidation.
Misinformation and manipulated digital content pose additional risks. False reports, fabricated announcements and deepfake videos can inflame tensions, impersonate officials and mislead voters. INEC should establish a well-resourced, rapid-response communication system supported by verified digital channels and timely public statements. Collaboration with credible media organisations and fact-checkers would help counter falsehoods without suppressing legitimate criticism. Clear, consistent communication is indispensable, as administrative confusion and delayed explanations often allow rumours to spread.
Electoral integrity must also begin within INEC itself. The chairman’s warning against partisanship, negligence, extortion and ethical misconduct deserves serious attention. Security measures cannot compensate for officials who abuse their positions or disregard established procedures. INEC should strengthen staff training, ensure transparent recruitment and deployment, provide secure channels for reporting misconduct and enforce disciplinary rules consistently. Allegations of bribery and political interference must be investigated regardless of rank, while ad hoc personnel should receive adequate briefing, support and prompt payment.
The legal framework also requires clarity and consistent enforcement. INEC should explain the precise provisions and applicability of Section 26 of the Electoral Act 2026, including the obligations of electoral officials and security personnel, and publish authoritative guidance on neutrality and professional conduct. Complaints by opposition parties that they have been prevented from campaigning in certain states must likewise be investigated impartially. Any established violations should attract appropriate corrective action. Electoral fairness requires not only impartial polling officials but also lawful campaigning, access to competing viewpoints and freedom from intimidation.
The alleged plot against INEC’s ad hoc personnel is a warning against complacency ahead of the 2027 general election. Governments, security agencies, INEC, political parties and civil society must work together to prevent violence, punish misconduct and protect citizens’ participation. The commission should communicate its security priorities, maintain accessible threat-reporting channels and provide periodic updates on preparedness. Nigeria’s democracy cannot be safeguarded by assurances alone; it requires demonstrable preparation, impartial law enforcement and an unwavering commitment to free, fair and credible elections.
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