Politics
PDP And The Emergence Of Tukur
For yet another convention, ‘consensus’ has emerged as the moving spirit behind the PDP politicking and choice of leaders. In 1999, at the first post-election convention of the party, the notion of ‘consensus’ was introduced and has been sustained, especially for the top-most office of the National Chairman.
The last but one convention, for instance, produced a former secretary of the party, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor as consensus candidate of the party for the chairmanship position, as other contenders for the plumb job, led by Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu announced their withdrawal from the race at the last minute at the Eagle Square venue of the convention after much horse-trading.
Even when Ogbulafor rode against the tide and found himself in troubled waters with Aso Rock, where Dr Goodluck Jonathan held sway as Acting President following the incapacitation of his then boss, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, the shopping for Ogbulafor’s successor was also done via ‘consensus,’ as the party bowed to the whims and caprices of Aso Rock, queuing behind it and its anointed candidate,’ former Enugu State Governor, Dr Okwesileze Nwodo.
The Spirit of ‘Consensus’ later showed itself across the PDP horizon when Nwodo’s dictatorial traits, which metamorphosed him into a maximum rule, hit the roof. Aso Rock could not take his firm grip, which some view as ‘pocketing’ of the party. Nwodo believed that the buck stopped at his desk, but Aso Rock viewed that as too autocratic and Nwodo was booted out unceremoniously like his predecessor, Ogbulafor, for the preferred choice, Deputy National Chairman, Mallam Haliru Bello Mohammed, to wear the party’s biggest administrative shoe, in acting capacity.
‘Consensus’ again played itself out, as it were, in the choice of Mallam Mohammed’s successor as the party’s helmsman. Mohammed successfully established himself as an ardent supporter of, and believer in, President Jonathan and his unfettered loyalty earned him the ministerial slot of the nation’s Defence ministry. Expectedly, again, the party queued behind the avowed and undisputed leader of the party in Aso Rock in the replacement of Mohammed, which saw the emergence of Alhaji Kawu Baraje who occupied the coveted office (in Acting capacity) till the March 24, 2012 National Convention.
This whole thing about consensus in PDP, by the way, is traceable to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, who within a year of ascendancy to power (1999) deftly upstaged the military powers that foisted him on the party and unleased this ‘consensus’ process that has endured. He ensured that no one with vestiges of the military and political past was in the race, as he successfully warded-off all of them.
He installed Chief Barnabas Gemade, his preferred candidate and a newbreed politician without any discernible link with godfathersim or power brokers. Ever since, Obasanjo, as president and as the party’s Board of Trustees (BOT) Chairman successfully entrenched this norm in the annals of the PDP.
For the 2012 convention though, the ‘Consensus’ tendency, philosophy and policy of the party was akin to a ride on a tiger’s back for Aso Rock. It was far from being the anticipated ‘smooth ride’ for President Jonathan as equally powerful blocs withstood the President in his choice of Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, President of African Business Round Table, as Chairmanship candidate. Tukur had earlier lost out at the party’s zonal congress held nation-wide a week to the convention, to relatively unknown younger politician.
Prior to the zonal congress in Tukur’s North-East geo-political zone where former vice president, Atiku Abubakar, Jonathan’s runner-up in last year’s PDP’s presidential primary, held sway, a kite was flown against the candidature of Tukur.
The kite rubbished the highly-esteemed credentials of Tukur as an ace politician, established technocrat and astute businessman known for political sagacity during his days as presidential aspirant in the 3rd Republic, as it portrayed him as ‘too old’ for the job and being an ally of Ibrahim Babangida, who will carry out the bidding of a known foe of the Jonathan’s government.
This kite flew so well and robbed Tukur of victory at the zone, thus giving Jonathan more headache, sleepless night and turbulent ride to the convention.
Beside the challenge from the North East, governors of PDP-controlled states resolved not to be ‘Yes men’ to the yearning and leaning of the party’s leader and assumed ‘god’ of Aso Rock. Infact, they were defiant and harry in pursuing this resolve.
Jonathan, indeed, met a brick wall at the party’s NEC meeting that was expected to adopt Tukur as consensus candidate. The Tide learnt that the governors would not bulge at a close-door meeting held on the eve of the convention inspite of political maneuvering at the highest level of the party to achieve this.
The initial carrots offered by the President to pacify the governors over his choice of Tukur was also rebuffed, and vehemently too.
A credible party source who confided in The Tide and does not want his name in print said,” The leadership of the Nigerian governors Forum (NGF) was very vocal at the close-door meeting and insisted that the governors must be carried along in deciding who holds what office in the party.
The President and his Vice were told, point-blank, that as former governors, they’re well abreast of the enormity of the power that governors wield, hence governors’ power to dictate the pace of the convention should not be undermined.
Our source continued: “It was the National Assembly leadership that saved the face of the President and saved the day at the meeting. Senate President, David Mark was swift to reply the governors, who he reportedly told: “Yes, it’s true that governors wield power and nobody is saying governors do not have power, but those of you who came to power through the rulling of the court may not know or better appreciate what it takes to win election through the ballot box.
“If it is so (ie that the governors are unbending and unyielding in matters pertaining to the convention), then we (leadership of the National Assembly) will return to the National Assembly, hold consultations among ourselves (members) and come up with a communiqué.
The Tide learnt that this statement by Senator Mark was major instrument that weakened the governor’s position, and contributed to their caving-in, to allow the President a smooth sail at the convention.
Remarkably, the National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting ended with a volt-face, but with the governors’ position (of not supporting the candidature of Tukur) heavily watered down, thereby giving an inkling to the fact that a compromise or near compromise will be reached in subsequent meetings on the controversial choice of who leads the avowed largest party in Africa.
The governors had their meeting, ostensibly, to review the NEC meeting, so did the Presidency and leadership of the National Assembly, and, of course, in conformity with the aphorism that ‘the godfathers never sleep,’ the PDP’s godfather never slept on the issue as series of meeting were hatched, some of which dragged on late into the nights. There were obvious horse-trading and counter horse-trading while fences were being mended.
While horse-trading intensified, Jonathan found an ally in a political mega-force of the party in the north East, which rose in defence of Jonathan’s choice of Tukur and dismissed the allegations peddled against Tukur, especially his link with IBB.
The party’s chieftain in Kebbi State, Alhaji Abubakar Yelwa said “It was a mere weapon used to weaken the campaign of Tukur. Those from the South see Babangida as a god, an invincible political warhorse with fingers in every pie. We, Northerners do not see him that way. Everything, even the impossible ones are always attributed to him by the South. They said Jonathan made a mistake in picking on Tukur because he is Babangida’s boy Haba!”
As seconfs ticked away before the convention, the Presidency moved on and opted for the adoption of a carrot and stick approach. With a smattering of godfathers led by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo on its side, the Presidency was unrelenting in initiating meeting to resolve the impasse before the convention. At this stage, the governors kept insisting on relevance, though subtly and behind the scene, just as the uncoordinated godfathers posed from the fringes and managed to put up a puerile voice.
The meetings were more pronounced some three weeks to the convention, as it became a daily ritual at the villa, for President Jonathan, as leader of the party, could not afford to be humbled by opposing forces, intransigence at the convention. Eventually the series of meetings paid off as the positions were amicably shared among the contending ‘forces’ the Presidency, Governors and Godfathers.
While the Presidency got the positions of National chairman, Deputy National chairman, National Secretary and National Organising Secretary the rest positions were produced by the governors. The godfathers were left out in this arrangement and as expected, the were disenchanted about it so they re-aligned, and pitched their tent with the governors, although to a considerable extent, their approach was considered nebulous, didactic and incongruous.
Their re-alignment and cohesion paid-off as subsequent meetings with the Presidency and the Governors produced a new sharing formula for the emergence of the new lords of the ruling party.
The new formula runs thus: Presidency: National Chairman, governors: Deputy National Chairman. National Secretary, National Organising Secretary and National Youth Leader, godfather/Leaders: Publicity Secretary, Woman Leader, National Auditor, Financial Secretary, Deputy National Youth Leader and Deputy National Organising Secretary.
Dr Shettima Mustapha, one of the contenders for the PDP plumb job was to act the script that has already been written. He mounted the rostrum and announced the withdrawal of All But One of the eleven chairmanship candidates.
Those who withdrew and cleared the coast for Tukur were: Prof. Rufai Alkali, Senator Abba Aji, Adamu Muazu, Dr Musa Babayaro, Ibrahim Birma, Hon Adamu Bello, Gabom Lawan, Ambassador Idris Adamu Waziri and Arch Ibrahim Bunu.
In the final analysis, the trio Presidency, Governors and godfathers/leaders club left the convention satisfied that they won the day.
A closer look at those who emerged shows that Jonathan and his Vice, Arch Namadi Sambo have a loyalist each in the 12-member NWC, Tukur and Alhaji Abubakar Mustapher, Chairman and Organising Secretary respectiviely, Obasanjo ‘planted’ Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola, Bala Kaoje and Bode Mustapha Secretary, Treasurer and Auditor respectively, in addition to Ex-Governor of Ekiti State, Segun Oni, who emerged as South West Chairman, while Chairman of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum, Rt Hon Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State produced the Deputy National Chairman, Sam Sam Jaja.
It is also important to note that the new Women Leader, Mrs Kema Chikwe, is an Obasanjo loyalist and the Youth Leader hails from Niger State, where another Obasanjo loyalist, Babangida Alliya sits as Governor.
Thus, while it could be safely said that Obasanjo has a sizeable control over the new NWC, same cannot be said of Jonathan and Sambo, thus asserting control over the NWC may prove an uphill task for the President and his Vice, except of course, they enlist the support of OBJ.
A PDP chieftain was emphatic and unequivocal on this. According to him, Jonathan and Sambo have very limited influence on the current exco. He cannot ride roughshod over the party”. What’s more? The party appears to have shot itself on the foot in its failure to assign role, no matter how passive it may seem, to its founding fathers, three of whom were spotted at the convention, Chief Solomon Lar, Dr Alex Ekwueme and Prof Jerry Gana, but could play no role throughout the convention.
Chairman of the Conention Planning Committee, Chief Ojo Madueke believed that the aim of the convention, which is to “re-invent ourselves” was achieved while Chairman of the Electoral Panel and Defence Minister, Dr Mohammed, expressed satisfaction with the process that produced the Tukur-led NWC, but many believe it is actually an ‘affirmation’ of preferred candidates.
Meanwhile, out-going chairman, Baraje, left these words for the Tukur’s team: .. One of the major challenges that the next leadership of the party should checkmate is the issue of undesirable pressure groups (within the party),” which in his words “operates hydrated block against the advancement and progress of the party”.
How this came to fruition at the end of the day may largely be known as event unfold in days, months, or years to come, depending on how the powers that be in the ruling party interprets the drama.
Justus Awaji, Abuja
Politics
FG’s Economic Policies Not Working – APC Chieftain
A senator who represented Taraba Central, Mr Abubakar Yusuf, has declared that the economic policies of President Bola Tinubu are not yielding the expected results.
His comment is one of the strongest internal critiques yet from within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
The comment underscores the growing dissatisfaction within sections of the ruling party over the direction and impact of the administration’s economic reforms amid rising living costs and fiscal pressures across the country.
Mr Yusuf, who served in the Senate between 2015 and 2023 under the platform of the APC, made the remarks during an appearance on national television.
Responding to a question on whether the administration’s economic direction, often referred to as Tinubunomics, was working, Mr Yusuf answered in the contrary.
“For me, it is not working. I am a member of the APC. I would be the last person to hide the facts”, he said.
He said while the government might be operating diligently within its policy structure, the framework itself is ill-suited to Nigeria’s current realities
“Within the policy framework, yes, they are doing their best, but it is not the framework that is suitable for Nigeria at the point in time that President Asiwaju came into power,” he said.
Mr Yusuf criticised the immediate removal of fuel subsidy on the day the president was sworn in, arguing that the decision lacked sufficient consultation and planning.
“I am one of those who say President Asiwaju ought to have waited. Not on the day he was sworn in to say subsidy is gone. On what basis?”, he asked.
He urged broader engagement before major fiscal decisions are taken.
“Sit down with your cabinet, sit down with your ministers, sit down with your advisers,” he said, dismissing the argument that subsidy removal was justified solely on grounds of corruption.
The former lawmaker identified “structural flaws” in the country’s budgeting system, particularly the envelope budgeting model.
“One of the basic problems is that before you budget, you should have a plan. The envelope system we have been operating has been you budget before you plan. That has been a major issue”, he said.
He argued that allocating spending ceilings without aligning them to concrete development strategies inevitably weakens implementation and delivery.
“If you give me an envelope which is contrary to my plan, whether it is plus or minus, there is no way I am going to implement my plan. It is bound to fail,” he said.
Mr Yusuf called for the scrapping of the envelope budgeting system, noting that he had consistently opposed it even during his years in the National Assembly.
“It is not good for us. It is not going to work well for us,” he said.
He further blamed poor capital releases and persistent deficit financing for undermining budget performance over the years.
“We could not meet 60 percent of our capital budget in all these years. No releases. If you make a budget and the release is very poor, there is no way the budget will be executed”, he stated.
According to him, weak fund disbursement mechanisms and reliance on deficit financing have entrenched a cycle of underperformance.
“Our budget ought to have been a surplus budget, but all our budgets have always been deficit financing budgets,” Mr Yusuf added.
Politics
Reps To Meet,’Morrow Over INEC’s 2027 Election Timetable
The Nigerian House of Representatives has resolved to reconvene for an emergency session tomorrow February 17, 2026, to deliberate on issues arising from the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) release of the timetable for the 2027 general elections.
The decision was disclosed in a statement issued by the House Spokesman, Rep. Akin Rotimi, who described the electoral body’s announcement as one of “constitutional and national significance.”
INEC had fixed February 20, 2027, for the Presidential and National Assembly elections.
According to the statement, members of the Green Chamber were notified of the emergency sitting through an internal memorandum from the Speaker’s office.
The session is expected to focus on legislative matters connected to the newly released timetable, reflecting the House’s resolve to act promptly on issues affecting the nation’s democratic process.
Rep. Rotimi noted that all related businesses would be treated with urgency and urged lawmakers to prioritise attendance in view of the importance of the deliberations.
INEC had on Friday formally unveiled the comprehensive schedule for the 2027 polls, including timelines for party primaries slated for July to September 2026, as well as the commencement of Continuous Voter Registration in April 2026.
The development comes amid ongoing consultations and proposed amendments to the Electoral Act ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Politics
Group Continues Push For Real Time Election Results Transmission
As the controversy over the transmission of election results continues across the country, the Defence For Human Rights And Democracy (DHRD), a pro democracy organisation in the country, has criticised the National Assembly for not giving express approval to real time transmission of elections results.
To this end, the group is calling on all civil society organisations in the country to mobilise and push for a better Electoral Reform in the country.
This was contained in a press statement titled, “Defence For Human Rights and Democracy Demands Real Time Election Transmission of Result”, a copy of which was made available to newsmen in Port Harcourt.
The group described the refusal of compulsory real time transmission of result results by the Senate as undemocratic, adding that the situation will give room for election manipulation, rigging and voters apathy.
It said that the provision of mandatory real time transmission of election results would have significant improvement on the nation’s democracy.
According to the statement, “Since the return of democracy in 1999 to date, it is 27 years, so our Democracy has metamorphosed from being nascent and as such significant improvement should have been recorded.
“Defence For Human Rights And Democracy (DHRD), is really disappointed at the National Assembly, especially the upper chamber (Senate) for not approving ‘Real Time Electronic Transmission of Election Result’.
“This undemocratic act of theirs, if not tamed, will give room for election manipulation and rigging’”.
Signed by Comrade Clifford Christopher Solomon on behalf of the organisation, the statement further said, “The Defence For Human Rights and Democracy unequivocally supports real time transmission of election result”, stressing that his group will resist any act by the National Assembly to undermine the nation’s democracy.
“DHRD,unequivocally supports ‘True Democracy’, which is Government of the people, by the people and for the people.
“Therefore, anything that will crash the hope of Nigerians to Freely, Fairly and Transparently elect candidates of their choice in any given election should and will be vehemently resisted because good governance begins with leaders elected through credible process. By so doing, leaders have entered a social contract with the citizens to equitably manage their affairs and abundant resources”, the statement added.
It urged the National Assembly to revisit the issue in order to avoid civil unrest.
According to the DHRD, “To avoid civil unrest,voters apathy, election rigging and manipulation, rather to promote citizens participation, advancing our Democracy and entrenching free, fair, credible and acceptable electoral outcome, the National Assembly should amend the electoral act in a manner that will deepen our democracy and boost citizens confidence.
“On this note, The Defence For Human Rights And Democracy (DHRD), is calling on all other civil society organisations (CSOs) to mobilise, organise and push for a better electoral act amendment by the National Assembly”.
By: John Bibor
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