Opinion
Power Rotation And Ethnic Nationalities
Justice and equity are fundamental in a civilised society. It has been said, times without number, that Nigeria’s greatest challenge is devising a pragmatic political formula of sharing power among its hundreds of ethnic groups. It is equally said that political integration has become elusive to us owing mainly to the circumstances, historical and otherwise, of our formation and emergence as a single political entity. “Power must be made to rotate among the various ethnic nationalities .. “(Mao Alulo). With focus on 2011, political struggles and maneuvering in Nigeria have begun, earnestly. In the centre of the political controversy at Delta State level is who become Governor of Delta State come 2011.The issue is should Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan be re-elected for second term? Does he deserve it? Shouldn’t other Governorship aspirants from other ethnic groups be elected to govern the State? This piece is a case for a person of character and capacity from Isoko ethnic nationality to be given the opportunity to govern Delta State come 2011. Isoko should no longer play second fiddle.
Why? The issue is not Governor Uduaghan as a person or whether his performance meets the expectations of other ethnic nationalities or not, rather rotating political offices turn by turn will enhance peace, harmony and development much more. If other ethnic groups are allowed to assume leadership of the State as Governor, there will be sense of belonging that will encourage all stakeholders in the entity called Delta State to work in harmony and enhance development to all ethnic group equitably. When political appointments are lopsided and dominated by a few majority ethnic groups; the minority ethnic group will feel marginalised. These will create divisive and unhealthy competition and political maneuvering that lead to breakdown of laws and order. Peace and development will be the casualty. Why I feel that an Isoko person should be given the opportunity to serve as Governor Inspite of Governor Uduaghan’s performance and right to second term constitutionally is this. God hates inequality, marginalisation and injustices. Leadership that carries all other ethnic groups along is what God advocate for in the Bible. Concerned Isoko and Ndokwa Professional Network recently in a press statement lament, “What offence the ethnic nationalities may have committed against the Federal and State governments to warrant the gross marginalisation and inequality in political appointments” as being experienced by them.
The group warned that the peace loving nature of the ethnic nationalities should not be taken for cowardice, adding, “since we reward only violence in this part of the country, it is hoped that this absolute neglect is not a clarion call to violence”. They said.
Chief James Ibori, an Urhobo was governor, the secretary to the government was an Itsekiri”. The two ministers appointed from Delta State during Chief James Ibori administration were from Ijaw and Itsekiri ethnic groups respectively. Ray Inije, who was appointed as Ambassador during that time, was Urhobo. The Commissioner who represented Delta State in NDDC during Ibori administration was from Ijaw. The Chairman and Secretary of newly created DESOPADEC are from Ijaw and Urhobo ethnic group among others. Another reason why an Isoko person should be given opportunity to rule Delta State is the contribution of Isoko nation to the development of the Nigeria nation and in particular Delta State deserves such concession. But why wouldn’t Deltans at least feel that it wouldn’t be too much of a concession to make for an Isoko person to contest in 2011? After all, Isoko nation had for so long been playing second fiddle over the years and has been severely marginalised and deprived.
Who will contribute to the wealth of a nation and not allowed to control or manage it over such long period of time? Isoko contributes over 75 percent of crude oil and gas, yet no infrastructure could be cited in that region. Isoko is only having two local governments with the population of over 2.5 million. Isoko was the second region to discover crude oil in 1959 after the major discovery of oil in Oloibiri. The high rate of unemployment among the Isoko youths has prompted many of our young school leavers to turn to okada riders and motor conductors. Isoko land produces some 14 million barrels of crude oil annually and this represents roughly 15% of the total production of Delta State. Isoko land is also rich in natural gas which abounds in Uzere and Olomoro fields. Inspite of this enormous contribution to the GDP, Isoko land has no industries; electricity supply is grossly inadequate while only a few roads are motorable. The injustice and marginalisation suffered by the Isoko people can best be gleaned from exclusion of Isoko from crucial positions in DESOPADEC, OMPADEC/NDDC and other intervention agencies put in place by successive governments to solve the Niger Delta problem. Isoko have also not fared better in State and Federal political appointments.
Dr. Lewis Akpogena, a public commentator, wrote in from Port Harcourt.
Lewis Akpogena
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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