Opinion
Power Rotation And Ethnic Nationalities
Justice and equity are fundamental in a civilised society. It has been said, times without number, that Nigeria’s greatest challenge is devising a pragmatic political formula of sharing power among its hundreds of ethnic groups. It is equally said that political integration has become elusive to us owing mainly to the circumstances, historical and otherwise, of our formation and emergence as a single political entity. “Power must be made to rotate among the various ethnic nationalities .. “(Mao Alulo). With focus on 2011, political struggles and maneuvering in Nigeria have begun, earnestly. In the centre of the political controversy at Delta State level is who become Governor of Delta State come 2011.The issue is should Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan be re-elected for second term? Does he deserve it? Shouldn’t other Governorship aspirants from other ethnic groups be elected to govern the State? This piece is a case for a person of character and capacity from Isoko ethnic nationality to be given the opportunity to govern Delta State come 2011. Isoko should no longer play second fiddle.
Why? The issue is not Governor Uduaghan as a person or whether his performance meets the expectations of other ethnic nationalities or not, rather rotating political offices turn by turn will enhance peace, harmony and development much more. If other ethnic groups are allowed to assume leadership of the State as Governor, there will be sense of belonging that will encourage all stakeholders in the entity called Delta State to work in harmony and enhance development to all ethnic group equitably. When political appointments are lopsided and dominated by a few majority ethnic groups; the minority ethnic group will feel marginalised. These will create divisive and unhealthy competition and political maneuvering that lead to breakdown of laws and order. Peace and development will be the casualty. Why I feel that an Isoko person should be given the opportunity to serve as Governor Inspite of Governor Uduaghan’s performance and right to second term constitutionally is this. God hates inequality, marginalisation and injustices. Leadership that carries all other ethnic groups along is what God advocate for in the Bible. Concerned Isoko and Ndokwa Professional Network recently in a press statement lament, “What offence the ethnic nationalities may have committed against the Federal and State governments to warrant the gross marginalisation and inequality in political appointments” as being experienced by them.
The group warned that the peace loving nature of the ethnic nationalities should not be taken for cowardice, adding, “since we reward only violence in this part of the country, it is hoped that this absolute neglect is not a clarion call to violence”. They said.
Chief James Ibori, an Urhobo was governor, the secretary to the government was an Itsekiri”. The two ministers appointed from Delta State during Chief James Ibori administration were from Ijaw and Itsekiri ethnic groups respectively. Ray Inije, who was appointed as Ambassador during that time, was Urhobo. The Commissioner who represented Delta State in NDDC during Ibori administration was from Ijaw. The Chairman and Secretary of newly created DESOPADEC are from Ijaw and Urhobo ethnic group among others. Another reason why an Isoko person should be given opportunity to rule Delta State is the contribution of Isoko nation to the development of the Nigeria nation and in particular Delta State deserves such concession. But why wouldn’t Deltans at least feel that it wouldn’t be too much of a concession to make for an Isoko person to contest in 2011? After all, Isoko nation had for so long been playing second fiddle over the years and has been severely marginalised and deprived.
Who will contribute to the wealth of a nation and not allowed to control or manage it over such long period of time? Isoko contributes over 75 percent of crude oil and gas, yet no infrastructure could be cited in that region. Isoko is only having two local governments with the population of over 2.5 million. Isoko was the second region to discover crude oil in 1959 after the major discovery of oil in Oloibiri. The high rate of unemployment among the Isoko youths has prompted many of our young school leavers to turn to okada riders and motor conductors. Isoko land produces some 14 million barrels of crude oil annually and this represents roughly 15% of the total production of Delta State. Isoko land is also rich in natural gas which abounds in Uzere and Olomoro fields. Inspite of this enormous contribution to the GDP, Isoko land has no industries; electricity supply is grossly inadequate while only a few roads are motorable. The injustice and marginalisation suffered by the Isoko people can best be gleaned from exclusion of Isoko from crucial positions in DESOPADEC, OMPADEC/NDDC and other intervention agencies put in place by successive governments to solve the Niger Delta problem. Isoko have also not fared better in State and Federal political appointments.
Dr. Lewis Akpogena, a public commentator, wrote in from Port Harcourt.
Lewis Akpogena
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
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