Opinion
Where Is Belgore’s Committee?
In August 2009, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was compelled by organised labour in the country to set-up a committee for a new policy on minimum wage which was headed by a retired Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Belgore. The decision by the federal government to set up the panel was sequel to the move by the House of Representatives to pass for the second reading, a bill for a new minimum wage of N30,000. This move by the House was in addition to the pressure from labour on the government to do likewise.
This might be one area where the House was touched by the lamentations of workers having sensed that the presidency appeared unperturbed about the agitation for a new minimum wage. Every Nigerian knows that an assignment such as the one given to the committee should have a time-frame to enable the federal government study the report, draft a bill and send to the National Assembly for passage into law and assent. Surprisingly, in this case, no time-frame was given, which was a demonstration of the government’s lack of interest in the whole agitation. But if the apathy by the federal government towards the committee it set up is pardonable, the silence of organised labour is astonishing.
It was marvelous to observe that the leadership of both the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and Trade Union Congress, TUC, the umbrella bodies for most labour unions in the country, who should have raised objection to the considered omission of time-frame for the committee, kept sealed lips.
The silence of leaders of the major two labour unions was eventually interpreted by many to mean that they might have been bribed to maintain a studied silence on the agitation for a new minimum wage for the oppressed workers of the country. On the side of the federal government, the ill-health and eventual trip abroad of President Yar’Adua was used as an excuse to delay the work of the committee. While the seeming orchestrated apathy was on, workers were expectant that the new minimum wage policy would be implemented by January this year.
But while the expectation of workers lingered, another abominable act was perpetrated by the Acting President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan. The Acting President, who was expected to request for the completion and submission of Justice Belgore’s committee’s report, suddenly turned around and instituted a parallel committee on minimum wage with a three-month time – frame.
This is unacceptable. An administrative faux pas. It is a clear deception. Now, by April when the committee should submit its report, it might decide to act the Nigerian way by asking for an extension of about two months to enable them enjoy fat sitting and travelling allowances. When the report is eventually submitted say June or July it may take another two or three months for the federal government to study it. Then it will be sent to the National Assembly that will in turn take some time to deliberate on it. When it is passed eventually, its assent by the Acting President will take another time. Then it might be signed as 2011 not 2010 Minimum Wage Act.
The question one the lips of every worker and indeed Nigerians is, was the Acting President not aware of the existence of Justice Belgore’s committee? Why didn’t the then Minister of Labour and Productivity intimate the Acting President the existence of that committee? Was it a deliberate act to frustrate the workers and dim their hopes for better days ahead?
At this point, one expects that labour should raise objection. But alas it is not so.
This has further confirmed the speculation that both labour and the federal government have something up their sleeve on the issue. Or else how could one explain this scenario?
Whether the government likes it or not, the issue of new minimum wage must be addressed before the commencement of the deregulation of Petroleum industry and this is in tandem with good logic and realities of the day.
Arnold Alalibo
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
