Opinion
Where Is Belgore’s Committee?
In August 2009, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was compelled by organised labour in the country to set-up a committee for a new policy on minimum wage which was headed by a retired Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Belgore. The decision by the federal government to set up the panel was sequel to the move by the House of Representatives to pass for the second reading, a bill for a new minimum wage of N30,000. This move by the House was in addition to the pressure from labour on the government to do likewise.
This might be one area where the House was touched by the lamentations of workers having sensed that the presidency appeared unperturbed about the agitation for a new minimum wage. Every Nigerian knows that an assignment such as the one given to the committee should have a time-frame to enable the federal government study the report, draft a bill and send to the National Assembly for passage into law and assent. Surprisingly, in this case, no time-frame was given, which was a demonstration of the government’s lack of interest in the whole agitation. But if the apathy by the federal government towards the committee it set up is pardonable, the silence of organised labour is astonishing.
It was marvelous to observe that the leadership of both the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and Trade Union Congress, TUC, the umbrella bodies for most labour unions in the country, who should have raised objection to the considered omission of time-frame for the committee, kept sealed lips.
The silence of leaders of the major two labour unions was eventually interpreted by many to mean that they might have been bribed to maintain a studied silence on the agitation for a new minimum wage for the oppressed workers of the country. On the side of the federal government, the ill-health and eventual trip abroad of President Yar’Adua was used as an excuse to delay the work of the committee. While the seeming orchestrated apathy was on, workers were expectant that the new minimum wage policy would be implemented by January this year.
But while the expectation of workers lingered, another abominable act was perpetrated by the Acting President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan. The Acting President, who was expected to request for the completion and submission of Justice Belgore’s committee’s report, suddenly turned around and instituted a parallel committee on minimum wage with a three-month time – frame.
This is unacceptable. An administrative faux pas. It is a clear deception. Now, by April when the committee should submit its report, it might decide to act the Nigerian way by asking for an extension of about two months to enable them enjoy fat sitting and travelling allowances. When the report is eventually submitted say June or July it may take another two or three months for the federal government to study it. Then it will be sent to the National Assembly that will in turn take some time to deliberate on it. When it is passed eventually, its assent by the Acting President will take another time. Then it might be signed as 2011 not 2010 Minimum Wage Act.
The question one the lips of every worker and indeed Nigerians is, was the Acting President not aware of the existence of Justice Belgore’s committee? Why didn’t the then Minister of Labour and Productivity intimate the Acting President the existence of that committee? Was it a deliberate act to frustrate the workers and dim their hopes for better days ahead?
At this point, one expects that labour should raise objection. But alas it is not so.
This has further confirmed the speculation that both labour and the federal government have something up their sleeve on the issue. Or else how could one explain this scenario?
Whether the government likes it or not, the issue of new minimum wage must be addressed before the commencement of the deregulation of Petroleum industry and this is in tandem with good logic and realities of the day.
Arnold Alalibo
Opinion
A Renewing Optimism For Naira
 
														Opinion
Don’t Kill Tam David-West
 
														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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