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Tinubu’s Political Travails

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This is not the best of times for former Governor of Lagos State, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu who is battling to extricate himself from the accusation that he sponsored hoodlums to attack the #EndSARS protesters at Lekki Toll Gate. Of course, his image seems to be on the nosedive since after the incident.
When youths trooped to the streets about three weeks ago, protesting against police brutality which they codenamed #EndSARS, not too many gave them the chance to go as far as they went until when the protests had rapidly spread across the country and nearly paralysed the nation.
The Lekki Toll Gate, a significant route in Lagos was completely shut down by the protesters who occupied the axis for 24 hours every day. Similar thing was happening simultaneously at the various Government Houses in the South-West and by last weekend, movement and businesses were brought to a standstill by the youths.
At a point, a source said one of the former governors in South-West led a delegation to President Muhammadu Buhari alleging that Tinubu was the one behind the protests.
Shortly thereafter, a Northern group, Miyetti Allah, issued a threat to Tinubu alleging the national leader of the All Progressive Congress (APC) was the brain behind the protests, while, at the same time, some admirers of the protesting youths also pointed accusing finger at Tinubu alleging that he tried to engage hoodlums to thwart the peaceful protests.
The situation degenerated penultimate week when shooting at the prostesters was recorded at the Lekki Toll Gate, and in spontaneous actions, hoodlums, who must have been waiting to strike took advantage of the situation to take over the streets and attack all the businesses associated with Tinubu.
Before the mayhem, Tinubu himself had issued a statement to clear his position on the protests where he acknowledged the fact that the country had witnessed massive protests by youths in different cities, which were ignited by widespread disenchantment with the gross human rights abuses, including torture, extortion, harassment, intimidation, and even extra-judicial killings of Nigerians by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).
He aligned with the protesters demanding fundamental police reforms. This, according to Tinubu, is in sync with national aspiration in our national anthem, “to build a nation where peace and justice shall reign.”
But he also pointed out that the President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration had acted with commendable dispatch by not only scrapping SARS but also accepting the five-point demand that triggered the protests, which according to him, shows a laudable sensitivity to the grievances of the youths.
He said it was only fair that the government must be given the chance to implement the reforms demanded by the protesters. Tinubu’s argument was that all the demands could not be done instantaneously by the waving of a magic wand. He had said, “If the government had not implemented promised reforms in the past, the swiftness with which it has responded to the demands of the protesters this time around shows that there is a positive change by the government, both in attitude and of a new sense of urgency.”
He strongly appealed to the protesters to sheathe their sword, saying they had made their point and government had also shown commitment to grant all the demands.
For Tinubu to have now become the central figure in the crisis and being accused from both ends is a puzzle that must be unraveled.
Two days after the protest ended with soldiers allegedly shooting at protesters, at the Lekki Toll Gate, Tinubu in a media interview denied sponsoring anybody to attack or shoot at protesters. In the video making rounds on social media Tinubu praised himself as “the Jagaban of Lagos”. Since the end of his tenure as governor in 2007, Tinubu has played key roles in the emergence of three other governors that have come behind him. However, the recent governorship election in Edo State and the loss by his party painted Tinubu as a man losing ground. Before the election in Edo, Tinubu had appeared on air and openly canvassed votes for his party, while castigating the incumbent governor, Godwin Obaseki for not swearing in APC legislators in the Assembly. He described Obaseki’s action as unconstitutional and called for his rejection at the polls. With all the political war chest Tinubu mobilised to Edo, his party was trounced by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This not only painted Tinubu as losing popularity, but the PDP victory made a political statement that the West was losing its traditional grip on Mid-West State, which Edo symbolised.
Until Adams Oshiomhole came to power in 2008, Edo State had been a PDP enclave. Oshiomhole’s victory was attributed to his alliance with the West, especially Tinubu’s Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). With the stranglehold of the West broken on former Mid-West in the last Edo elections, it’s believed that Tinubu’s influence has whittled down.
Pundits are waiting to see how the scenario pans out ultimately from now till 2023, when Nigeria conducts another general election. In a fashion typical of Yoruba hew-and-cut brand of politics, the intrigues surrounding the former governor of Lagos State’s exploits in politics reached a crescendo last Tuesday, when an angry mob set ablaze businesses and investments that were allegedly linked to him.
While some analysts were of the view that his (Tinubu’s) ambition to contest the 2023 presidency was the reason why his political rivals master-minded the plot to wreck him financially, others hold that the arsonists attacked TVC, The Nation Newspaper, Oriental Hotels and other establishments to demonise him before the electorate.
Apart from his dominance of Lagos politics in spite of bitter oppositions within and outside his platform, Tinubu also joined forces with other politicians across the length and breadth of Nigeria to merge and form a mega party APC in 2014.
In 2013, the parties that made up APC were Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressives Change (CPC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), a faction of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and some disgruntled members of PDP led by Chairman of the splinter group, Kawu Baraje.
In 2015, APC, at its presidential primary held in Lagos, allegedly at the instance of Tinubu, President Muhammadu Buhari emerged as the party presidential candidate with the support of the national leader.
The choice of Buhari’s mate also degenerated into subtle crisis within the party as Tinubu was said to have shown interest in running a joint ticket with Buhari, He was, however, given the privilege to appoint his choice candidate as Buhari’s running mate, which brought in the incumbent Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo.
The politics that also surrounded the 2014 presidential primary of APC did not go down well with Atiku and other PDP members that joined the merger.
Baraje, who led splinter group in PDP to the APC and the likes of Saraki, Atiku and others were not comfortable with the kind of political power Tinubu wielded in the ruling party and at different point in time, majority of them returned to their former political platform, PDP.
His involvement in the 2016 governorship elections in Ondo State and the one of 2018 in Osun and Ekiti states also created misgivings between Tinubu and APC Governors.
Tinubu’s desire to ensure one of his cronies, James Faleke inherited the governorship ticket when the party’s candidate, Kogi State, Alhaji Abubaka Audu, slumped and passed on few hours before the announcement of the result of the 2015 gubernatorial poll in Kogi did not materialise as a result of intrigues within the APC.
Tinubu was also caught in the political intrigues of who should succeed the pioneer National Chairman, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun when the position became vacant in 2018.
Tinubu later backed former Governor of Edo State, Adams Oshiomhole to succeed Odigie-Oyegun. Some aggrieved members of the party later pointed accusing fingers at Tinubu that his plan was to use Oshiomhole to take over the machinery of the party.
As at the end of 2018, almost all the political beneficiaries of the national leader had separated camps with him. For instance, when President Buhari appointed Tinubu to lead the Reconciliation Committee to resolve all the crises in the party, the likes of former governor of Ogun State, Ibikunle Amosun, Governor Fayemi, erstwhile National Legal Adviser of the party, Muiz Banire, Governor Akeredolu among others had severed relationship with Tinubu.
While Amosun saw himself as the leader of the party in Ogun State and would therefore, not succumb to the dictates of any Lagos godfather, Governors Akeredolu and Fayemi allegedly had grouse with Tinubu over their governorship ambitions. Just like Banire felt that the national leader sacrificed him to bring in Babatunde Ogala
By the time the 2019 elections were concluded, APC had been factionalised into different camps, a development that subsequently led to the suspension and later removal of Oshiomhole.
No sooner Buhari was re-elected for second term in 2019 than preparations for 2023 election began in the APC. Political permutations became intense and Tinubu again surfaced in the midst of the controversy. Although, he has not officially declared interest to run in 2023, some stakeholders, however, see him as a threat to be dealt with as soon as possible before it is too late.
Perhaps, that must have been part of the reasons some governors on the platform of the party insisted on the exit of Oshiomhole as national chairman.
After Oshiomhole’s exit, Tinubu was accused of plotting to impose another stooge in the person of former Oyo State governor, Abiola Ajimobi. This development caused disaffection between Tinubu and Ekiti State APC, which argued that the position of deputy national chairman earlier occupied by Otunba Niyi Adebayo, current Minister of Trade and Investment, should not be ceded to Oyo State’s Ajimobi. Ekiti APC refused to budge as it threatened court action if Gbenga Aluko was sidetracked to favour Ajimobi. The aftermath was the emergence of the Mai Mala Buni caretaker committee.

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Senate Defends Passage Of State Police Bill

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The Senate has defended the passage of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Alteration) (State Police) Bill, 2026, saying the proposed creation of state police is driven by national consensus and the country’s security needs rather than political considerations.

The Red Chamber passed the bill last Wednesday after more than two-thirds of senators voted in support.

In a statement issued yesterday by the Directorate of Media and Public Affairs, Office of the Senate Leader, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele described the bill as “a child of necessity and not of political expediency as well as a product of national consensus and not of cynicism.”

 

The senate leader said the proposal to establish state police was a matter of urgent public importance that could not be delayed because of political interests, given the country’s security challenges.

He explained that the proposal did not originate recently but emerged from memoranda submitted to the Senate Ad-hoc Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution.

According to him, the proposal underwent extensive consultations and rigorous scrutiny because of its sensitive nature.

Bamidele said the National Assembly consulted widely with the Executive, the Nigeria Governors’ Forum, the Conference of Speakers of State Legislatures of Nigeria, the leadership of the Nigeria Police and other stakeholders before passing the bill.

He added that during the public hearings conducted across the six geopolitical zones in July 2025, participants overwhelmingly supported the creation of state police.

“At each level of our consultation, nearly all stakeholders embraced the State Police Bill in the light of stark realities we are facing today,” he said.

The Senate leader noted that recommendations from the Nigeria Police contributed to the bill, particularly on accountability and oversight mechanisms aimed at preventing abuse of state police by political actors.

According to him, the police’s support for the proposal underscores its national significance in tackling insecurity at the state and local levels.

Bamidele also said the bill received broad bipartisan backing in both chambers of the National Assembly.

“Even though the APC is the majority, there are members of opposition parties — PDP, ADC, NDC and Labour Party — that exercised their discretion in favour of the Bill, mainly in the national interest and not on parochial basis.

“In the Senate, for instance, 84 out of 109 members voted clause by clause in support of the Bill. This accounted for 77.06 per cent approval at the Senate alone,” he said.

He argued that national security should transcend political affiliations, saying political actors in other countries often set aside partisan interests to support initiatives that strengthen security.

Bamidele called on opposition parties to contribute constructive ideas that would promote peace and stability, adding that they have a responsibility to offer alternatives that would strengthen the country.

“Even when they disagree on some grounds, they are under obligations to provide credible and useful ideas that can make our nation better and greater. Unfortunately, they have not passed this critical test of opposition democracy,” he said.

 

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Probe N6.3bn Constituency Funds Or Face Legal Action, SERAP Tells Akpabio, Abbas

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The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has called on Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, to refer allegations of the diversion or non-accounting of over ?6.3 billion in constituency project funds to anti-corruption agencies for investigation and possible prosecution.

 

The group also urged the National Assembly leadership to ensure that anyone found culpable is prosecuted where sufficient admissible evidence exists, while all diverted or unaccounted public funds are recovered and paid into the treasury.

 

In a letter dated June 27, 2026, and signed by its Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, SERAP said the allegations were contained in the Auditor-General of the Federation’s 2022 Annual Report, published on September 9, 2025.

 

The organisation disclosed this in a statement signed and released by Oluwadare, yesterday.

 

SERAP also asked Akpabio and Abbas to disclose the identities of contractors and companies, including their shareholders and beneficial owners, that allegedly received constituency project funds but failed to execute the projects.

 

It gave the National Assembly seven days to act on its recommendations, warning that it would institute legal proceedings should the legislature fail to respond.

 

“We would be grateful if the recommended measures are taken within seven days of the receipt and/or publication of this letter. If we have not heard from you by then, SERAP shall take all appropriate legal actions to compel you and the National Assembly to comply with our request in the public interest,” the letter stated.

 

It said, “The allegations involve several federal ministries, departments and agencies, including the Environmental Health Registration Council of Nigeria (EHORECON); the Federal College of Animal Health and Production Technology, Volm; the Federal Polytechnic, Udana; the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP); and the National Institute of Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS).

 

“The Auditor-General identified numerous cases of payments into private bank accounts, contracts awarded without due process, payments for contracts not executed or services not rendered, undocumented expenditures, inflated contracts, procurement irregularities and failures to account for public funds, recommending in each case that the funds be recovered and remitted to the treasury.

 

“According to the 2022 audited report, contained in pages 367 to 396, the Environmental Health Registration Council of Nigeria (EHORECON or Council) Abuja paid over ‘N22 million [N22,944,565.16] into the private account of some members of staff of the Council from the Constituency Projects Fund Account.

 

“There ‘was no evidence of the utilization of the funds and no explanations on the purpose for the payment of such amount into the individual accounts.”

 

SERAP added, “The Council (EHORECON) also in 2021 ‘awarded suspicious consultancy contracts of over N12 million [N12,030,818.29] for the development of Modern Abattoirs in Kebbi State and the supervision of 7 projects in Kebbi, Jigawa, and Headquarters Abuja.

“The money was to ‘produce bills of quantity, architectural design, structural design, mechanical design, and electrical designs for the contracts and supervision.’ But ‘the ‘items could not be found.’”

 

Altogether, SERAP said the Auditor-General’s 2022 report alleged EHORECON paid more than ?1.8 billion in constituency project funds through questionable transactions.

 

For the Federal College of Animal Health and Production Technology, Vom, SERAP said the institution “in 2022 reportedly ‘paid over N279 million [N279,700,500.00] to 3 contractors to empower and train youths in selected vocational areas in Borgu and Kontagora, Niger State, train women and youths in entrepreneurship in Niger East Senatorial District and to train youths and women in agro production and self-reliance in Barki Ladi/Riyom Federal Constituency, Plateau State.

 

“But the money was paid to the contractors without any document.’”

 

Other irregularities involving the college include another ?279.7 million in mobilisation fees allegedly paid without documentation, and more than ?629.4 million paid to unqualified contractors for various constituency projects without evidence of due process, contract advertisements or details of the contractors.

 

SERAP further alleged that the Auditor-General’s report identified multiple financial irregularities involving the Federal Polytechnic, Ukana, Akwa Ibom State, including over ?407 million allegedly paid as mobilisation fees without supporting documents, more than ?399 million paid to unqualified contractors, contracts allegedly inflated by over ?192 million, over ?279 million paid for projects not fully executed, ?50 million allegedly paid for an unexecuted borehole project, and more than ?83 million disbursed without the required documentation or approvals.

 

It also alleged that NAPTIP reportedly irregularly awarded contracts worth over ?21.8 million, paid more than ?176.8 million for logistics and consultancy services without supporting documents, and disbursed over ?89.6 million and ?4.4 million for projects that were allegedly not executed.

 

The report also alleged that NILDS failed to submit audited financial statements for 2012 to 2022, did not remit over ?15 million in stamp duties, and spent ?1.6 million without authorisation from the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation.

 

SERAP said the report recommended the recovery of the affected funds and their remittance to the treasury.

 

It argued that corruption in constituency projects disproportionately affects poor and vulnerable Nigerians by diverting resources meant for public services and development.

 

It added that the National Assembly, in exercising its oversight responsibilities, should demonstrate leadership by ensuring accountability in the management of constituency project funds.

 

The organisation further argued that the allegations, if established, would amount to breaches of the Constitution, the Fiscal Responsibility Act 2007 and the Public Procurement Act 2007, which require transparency, accountability and due process in the management of public resources.

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Parties’ Deregistration: How Justice Lifu Overruled Appeal Court Justices

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Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court in Abuja on Monday brushed aside the order of the Court of Appeal in Abuja which ordered him to stay proceedings in a suit that sought deregistration of the African Democratic Party (ADC), Accord Party and three others.
The Court of Appeal in a unanimous decision of a panel of three Justices had on May 22, 2026 directed the Federal High Court Judge not to proceed with the suit until an appeal pending before them and filed by Accord Party is resolved.
In a Certified True Copy Enrol Order of the Superior Court, Justices Mohammed Danjuma, Adebukola Banjoko and Oyejoju Oyewumi asked the lower Court Judge to stay proceedings until all issues on the appeal filed by the Accord Party were resolved
Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State had, through the Accord Party, applied to justice Lifu to join him as a defendant in the deregistration legal battle instituted by a group of former legislators.
The contention of the Osun State governor was that he had a stake in the Accord Party, being the platform he was seeking re-election in the August 15 gubernatorial poll in the state.
In his ruling, Justice Lifu on April 27 ruled against the Osun State governor, rejecting his request to be joined in the suit to defend his own position and interest.
Not satisfied with the Federal High Court decision, the Osun State governor, through his lawyer, Musibau Adetunbi (SAN), moved to the Court of Appeal in Abuja where he challenged the Justice Lifu decision to refuse to allow him join the suit.
After listening to the argument canvassed, especially that he has interest to protect as Accord Party gubernatorial candidate for Osun State governorship election, the three Justices of the Court of Appeal, unanimously directed Justice Lifu to allow them look into the grievances of the governor.
In specific terms, the Court of Appeal Justices directed Justice Lifu not to proceed further with the matter and fixed October 27 to determine the interlocutory appeal of the appellant.
However, when the certified enroll order and notice of appeal were served on Justice Peter Lifu by Mr Adetunbi (SAN), the judge rejected it on the ground that it was a ploy to arrest his judgment in the matter.
Although the judge had adjourned his judgment delivery in the matter indefinitely, he finally made a dramatic turn around on Monday and proceeded to deliver the judgment that has now proscribed the five political parties.

 

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