Editorial
FG’s Proposed Mechanised Farming
When the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, Alhaji Mohammad Nanono, penultimate week, said that the Federal Government will begin an agricultural mechanisation programme in 632 out of 776 local government areas in the country, many cynics simply dismissed the initiative as another political gimmick that may not stand the test of time.
Some critics contend that, like other agricultural and rural development schemes in the past: Operation Feed the Nation (OFN) of General Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime, Shehu Shagari’s Green Revolution, General Ibrahim Babangida’s Directorate of Food, Roads, and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI), Rivers Basin Development Authorities, among others, the proposed mechanised farming may also end up the same way. Good reasoning!
Sadly, Nigeria’s efforts at boosting the agricultural and rural development sector had been bedeviled by policy somersaults and inconsistency in policy implementation and this had been the bane of the nation’s overall development, especially in the post-civil war Nigeria.
However, The Tide is consoled by the new mechanised farming initiative under President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration.
Though the minister fell short of naming the 632 local government areas that will benefit, we strongly believe that, as he rightly said, the scheme would ensure that Nigeria achieves food security, job creation and economic growth in the near future.
“The initiative is expected to involve a full technology transfer package that would cover all stages, from agricultural production to industrial processing and marketing. It will also fully equip each of the LGAs with administration and information technology workshop”, the minister affirmed.
He added: “Each LGA will have service centres and each centre will have brand new tractor fully equipped with admin and IT workshop and also stores for seeds, fertilizer and excess produce and farmers will be linked to processing industries”.
Assuring that government will guarantee the mechanisation process and services, the minister enjoined individuals and groups to come with proposals on how to manage the service centres that will provide jobs and boost food production and food security across the country.
While we endorse the initiative, we implore the Federal Government to hit the ground running by ensuring that all critical stakeholders are involved in ensuring that the scheme takes off smoothly and is given the desired impetus in its implementation.
Most experts believe that the problem with Nigeria is not about policy formulation but implementation. Nigeria’s economy in the past five decades has largely depended on oil and gas, with little or no deliberate efforts made to diversify the economic base.
Over reliance on the hydro carbon industry has been a major challenge of our national development and well-meaning Nigerians and friends of Nigeria think that agriculture and agro-like industries remain the best option to follow.
It will not only provide employment for the teeming unemployed citizens but go a long way in solving the security challenge currently staring Nigeria in the face.
The Tide thinks that agriculture has the capacity for turning the nation’s economy around and lifting the country that is virtually stagnated in many fronts; infrastructural deficit, poor education and health facilities, insecurity, poverty, among others.
Perhaps, many will think that mechanised farming in 623 local government areas may be too ambitious for a government that is battling with so much challenges; terrorism, banditry, unemployment, militancy, poverty rate, among others, all that is required is the political will and commitment to weather the storm.
Adequate funding simply is the right way to go and government must, as a matter of expediency, map out a clear-cut road map to achieve the desired goal.
It will not also be out of place to involve the Organised Private-Sector (OPS) through Public Private Partnership (PPP) because in civilised climes such initiatives are usually private-sector driven. This programme must not be politicised if it is actually intended to see the light of day.
Editorial
2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order
As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.
Editorial
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