Opinion
Building Technical Manpower In Nigeria
Science and technology are very important to the development of any nation or state. We are all aware of the urgent need for Nigeria’s economic development and the role states need to play. Without education and science and technology, this cannot be achieved.
It is for this reason that the founding fathers of Rivers State had the wisdom of establishing institutions like the University of Science and Technology, the Bori Polytechnic, the College of Arts and Science now Elechi Amadi Polytechnic, the Government Vocational Trade Centres and the Government Craft Centre.
The establishment of the institutions was aimed at bridging the gap and providing a rare opportunity to our children for self-actualisation through deep interest in science and technology, skills and trades. Those who work hard and make the best use of the opportunity become a blessing not only to their parents but also indeed the nation.
Also, the vocational trade centres were established in parts of the state to serve as stepping stone to greater achievement in the tertiary institutions. Those who passed out in the 1997s and 80s can give good account of themselves as some immediately secured jobs on completion of their studies.
In a determined effort to develop or transfer technology in this country, the Federal Government embarked on various projects to ensure that the nation grew technologically. Subsequently, both federal and state governments established at least a college of technology/polytechnic in every state for the training of both intermediate and high level manpower.
The National Board for Technical Education (NBTE) was established by Decree No.9 of 1977 to coordinate all aspects of technical and vocational education not in the university curriculum. The NBTE is also responsible for the institutional development and funding of federal polytechnics.
In addition, seven new universities of technology were established with the primary aim of training high level personnel in technological fields.
At the low level, the government established vocational and technical colleges to train individuals who possess the first school leaving certificate as well as many research institutes in the quest for technological advancement.
Six colleges of education (technical) were also added to the earlier two at Yaba and Gombe to train technological teachers for the nation’s secondary schools, all being visible and commendable efforts directed at the production of manpower for the technological development of the nation.
In spite of these sustained efforts since independence, Nigeria remains a technologically undeveloped nation. The technological under-development of the country is traceable to among others inadequate supply of technological manpower, but more importantly to the extent of the utilisation of those produced by the various efforts by governments.
Numerous factors are responsible for the inadequacies of technological manpower in this country. This include poor quality human resources input into technological education, lack of proper training caused by inadequate and irrelevant infrastructure leading to technical labour employers’ disdain for technical school graduates. The unattractiveness of the technological occupations arising from the unenviable structure of economic incentives, the slow growth of the economy which promotes unemployment and the lack of labour market information. Others are the absence of needed support for technological manpower towards self-employment and the irrelevant vocational offerings resulting in the production of technological manpower not needed by the economy including lack of adequate power supply.
It is an incontrovertible fact that in this country, most people go into technological education as a last resort because they have failed to gain admission to study other causes. The quality of students in the technology-based programmes are usually low. This goes to confirm the computer slang which says “garbage-in-garbage-out”. Aghenta (1985) puts it more graphically when he said that vocational and technical education has not been very popular with students and as a result, most of the peak brains do not compete for places in the vocational schools.
For this reason, employers know this and in most cases prefer not to use them on graduation because they are half-baked. They rather resort to an alternative means of raising their own technical personnel or engage expatriate technicians.
Besides the problem of low quality input, it has been understood that the quality of our technical and vocational school graduates may be unsuitable for many employers who may not want to take on the responsibility of in-plant training. In most cases, there is quality deficiency in the status of training materials or equipment and other facilities in our institutions. In most of our technical and vocational institutions, the workshop facilities are out-dated without replacement.
So the students are thought only theory without practicals. They lack industrial expose. Calloaway (1964) forcefully deserved that vocational and technical training in Nigeria was too theoretical, emphasizing the danger in the purely classroom approach to vocational and technology education in Nigeria. He said “entrepreneurs are not created by years of unbroken schooling, their training around are not classrooms but at the markets and workshops”.
The problem with Nigeria is that the training of vocational and technical students is not tailored towards industrial base and the training system lacks concern for the whole social infrastructure of our society. The engineering programme of the country is also affected. So, it has become obvious that this problem of half-baked training must be changed considerably. No profit-making industrial outfit would want to absorb mediocre.
There must be a government machinery to place school leavers in jobs while employers of labour a participate in the organisation of the vocational and technical schools to improve the capacity of employability of the graduates of such schools. The country needs various technological manpower, especially now that there is economic downturn and other associated variables.
There are many trained personnel not being utilised for technological and economic development and this makes it necessary to call for a “new vocationalism” and what is referred to as “integrative vocationalism”, a vocational education which is properly integrated with entrepreneurial skills so that an unemployed technological individual will be in a position to key into and contribute to the technological development of this nation.
No doubt, vocational and technical manpower is a sine qua non for the technological development of this nation.
Shedie Okpara
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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