Opinion

Planned Introduction Of Herbal Medicine In Nigerian Varisties: How The People See It

Published

12 years ago

April 21, 2014

The Minister of Health, Prof Onyebuchi
Chukwu, recently disclosed the Federal Government’s plan to introduce herbal medicine studies in the Nigerian universities curriculum.
By this, herbal medicine often regarded as esoteric science, studied and practiced by a select few, will be studied by all interested, qualified students in Nigeria.
How do Nigerians react to this development? Our Chief Correspondent, Calista Ezeaku and Photographer, Dele Obinna sought the views of some Port Harcourt residents on that.
Dr Ibitrokoemi Kurubo-Chairman Nigeria Medical Association (NMA), Rivers State Chapter
You see, we need to understand the issue in the right context.
We must understand that even outside this country, herbs have been known to have medicinal properties and what the minister is trying to say is that there is now the need to properly regulate herbal medicine so that those that are interested in extraction of herbs for medicinal uses will be properly trained on how to use them. That is different from when you have herbalists that are like magicians, producing things that can cure every thing, no. What they are saying now is that we do have herbs that have medicinal properties and that there will be a system of extracting them to know those qualities and all that. That’s a good way to go. It is not a bad idea. If you are saying that you want to introduce scientific approach to the use of herbs, I am for that.

Mr Gentle Oge- a navigator
I think it is a right move. For sometime now, herbal medicine has played vital role in the health sector in terms of maintaining good health of the citizenry.
Herbal medicine makes use of natural herbs from the bush which is very healthy. People who are narrow minded look at herbal medicine as being dirty and diabolical, but people who have travelled far and wide know that herbal medicine is a key to the treatment of diseases like stroke and others.

Hon. Brilliant Amadi-Politician/Businessman
I think it’s a step in the right direction because herbal medicine for now has come to stay in Nigerian and a lot of people get themselves treated through herbal medicine. So I think it will be proper for government to assist in making it a known treatment rather than the way it has been before now where a lot of quacks are into it. But if it is studied in school I think more and more professionals will come into it and professionalism will be introduced. Rather than us seeing the quacks we are seeing now, we will begin to see professionals.
I know very well that all medicines come from herbs and roots but then the way they do it is a bit worrisome. You know everybody is looking for money, so a lot of fake herbal doctors are using this means to make money for themselves, But we are saying if it is introduced in schools and people study it professionally, more persons will come into the field as professionals and then medicines from herbs will be gotten and will be used to treat people professionally and not what we see today.
For instance one person will come on television and say we have one medicine that cures a lot of sicknesses. How true is that? What are the scientific proof to show that these claims are true?
But if it is introduced in our Nigerian universities curriculum and people are studing it, for God’s sake, there will be scientific proofs to this effect. And when you are introducing a drug that is scientifically proven, people, the society will feel confident taking your drugs, knowing too well that it cures malaria, stroke or as the case may be rather than what we see today. And I believe that is the reason why a lot of people do not come out to say they are patronizing herbal medicine dealers because there is no proof. So I feel it is a step in the right direction. Government should go ahead and introduce it in universities, and let professionatism be introduced in the field. A lot of herbal medicine practioners today carry out diagnosis on patients when they are not trained to do so and studing herbal medicine in universities will equip them to do so.
But I will advise that government should not rush in introducing this course in the universities. They should be gradual about it. They should take one or two institutions as a case study and see how fast it will grow and how good it is before they can bring in other universities.

Mrs Chinyere Nwachukwu-Business woman
It is a very good initiative. Orthodox medicine is no longer reliable. There are a lot of fake medicine in the market. The people that deal on these drugs go to China and produce nonsense for us. These herbal doctors go to the bush, get the herbs and roots, prepare their medicine and when you take it, you will see it working while the one we buy from all these foriengners are nonsense. When you take it there is no improvement. You continue to take drugs without getting better but when you take herbal medicine, you see changes in your body. And don’t forget that herbal medicine has been in practice since the olden days even before the introduction of orthodox medine. People relied on the herbal doctors for diagnosis and treatment of their illnesses. And if we can properly train people to study herbal medicine, it will be better for us. That will take Nigerian herbal medicine to a higher level.

Mrs Ngozi Victor-Ogolo – Herbal medicine practioner/Biochemist.
It’s a good idea. When you see what is happening in the world this time around, most times, the orthodox drugs are not really helping. Most times you see so many patients come into our clinic who have been disappointed using orthodox drugs. Some will tell you that they’ve been taking orthodox drugs for a very long time but to no avail but after taking herbal medicine, you’ll find out that they get what they want.
So I think introducing herbal medine in universities will really help us to know more. It will help us to have more doctors. Some of us that are currently in the practice still read books on herbal medicine. It does not really follow that one must learn herbal medicine from his grandfather who was a herbalist and all the rest. If you want to devote your mind to learning it, you can.
But a way to help in realizing government’s dream is to liaise with the main herbal practitionals, those that know the field well and have been into the practice for a long time.
Government should co-opt them in teaching some courses because you see, herbal medicine is good. I love it. It has really helped me and my family. And herbal medicine in Nigeria today has really developed. Contrary to some people’s believe that herbal medicine is fetish and being practiced by uneducated people, there is nothing fetish about it and as you can see most of us in this clinic (Emione Clinic) are graduates. We have our own factory, we produce the medicine under high hygeinic condition and all that. What is required is just getting the right roots and herbs and knowing what to do.
So I think introducing herbal medicine in our universities will help our health sector to grow.
It will help our people greatly in future.

Dr Nnanna Victor Onyekwere, Director, Public Health, Rivers State Ministry of Health.
The herbal practice or traditional practice as we know it here is something somebody got from his grandfather, his grandfather got it from his great grandfather and so on. It is a family thing and everybody keeps it a secret. And that has been the problem. Let the traditional medicine practitioners tell us what they are doing, let other people try it and document it so that it becomes approved for use by all but they say, “no it’s my remedy.”
So what the minister now said is like, rather than allowing us practice in this crude way of tradition hidden and shrouded with some secrecy and some kind of spirituality, let us formally study what is with us and see how they could be useful.
If you remember those days, leaves like dogonyaro were used for malaria. You ’ll find that the chewing stick we chew contains some chemicals that clean the teeth. Traditionally before now, we have always used even charcoal, ash to clean our teeth. So what they are saying now is, let us now study these herbs that we have to know their medical efficacy. Once that is known it becomes useful for pharmaceutical companies to see how they will use those herbs in treatment.
That’s the essence of it. Let’s study how useful all these herbs, leaves and plants are for medical treatment, Once that is confirmed, it means that pharmacy shops will start using them to produce drugs on larger scale. It means that we can now start cultivating them and using them for treatment.
So it is not as if it is encouraging traditional practice, remember that even in orthodox practice, most of the drugs come from herbs. It’s first of all discovered from herbs, then they try produce it artificially. But the original ones are almost, always from herbs. So we are now looking inward to study the herbs we have with us to see what we can use them for medicinally, not necessarily in the usual traditional way. You know that in any plant, there are more than one or two other drugs, in using it you extract the one that is useful and remove the other ones unlike when you put dogonyaro or back of tree into Kai Kai, it extracts every thing both useful and non-useful and even harmful ones. But now we will extract the useful ones, remove the harmful ones. It will almost look like a pharmaceutical study.
It will look like a school of pharmacy where rather than looking at theory, you’ll be concentrating on trees, plants and schrubs that exist locally and see what they can be used for.

Opinion

Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising

Published

2 days ago

December 8, 2025

The Tide

The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.

Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.

The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.

It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.

Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.

On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.

It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.

*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.

In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.

Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.

One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.

Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.

The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.

The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.

Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.

The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.

The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.

Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.

If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?

As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.

Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.

Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.

Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.

We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.

The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.

It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.

No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.

By; King Onunwor

Opinion

Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform

Published

2 weeks ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”

The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.

Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.

This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.

Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.

Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.

Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

Published

2 weeks ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.

According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?

Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.

President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.

While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.

Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.

Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.

It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.

By: Joseph Nwankwor