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Editorial

Ogoni: Learning From Oil Wounds

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Over the past few weeks, Ogoniland has once again assumed considerable prominence in national discourse. What is unfolding goes far beyond a mere announcement that crude oil production is set to resume. The region finds itself at the confluence of three competing imperatives: the drive to revive extraction, the unfinished task of environmental remediation, and an increasingly acrimonious dispute over who genuinely represents the Ogoni people. It inevitably recalls the discredited practices of the past — prioritising extraction while relegating environmental restoration and community welfare to the periphery.

At the heart of this renewed initiative is Oil Mining Lease 11, which has remained dormant since 1993. The Federal Government directed the National Security Adviser to collaborate with the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) and Ogoni stakeholders towards the resumption of operations. OML 11 covers 3,095.55 square kilometres, sufficiently expansive to be subdivided into nine or ten viable blocks, according to researchers cited by former agitators. Industry figures presented to stakeholders indicate that 32 years of inactivity has cost more than $226.734bn across 96 wells, with the potential to produce about 500,000 barrels per day. For a federation grappling with severe fiscal pressures, the allure is readily apparent.

But, the hazards of precipitous action are already evident on the ground. Across the expansive farmlands of Yola Oilfield — also known as Yorla — the remnants of a major spill offer a grim portrait of ecological devastation, with mangroves, palm trees and other vegetation coated in crude while creeks remain fouled. In August 2025 alone, crude flowed into adjoining farms and waterways in Kpean, Khana Local Government Area, from a facility that had long been abandoned. This is not simply the residue of historical pollution; it is continuing contamination occurring even as negotiations over the resumption of operations gather momentum.

The Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) maintains that remediation efforts are progressing. The agency says it has completed work on five sites — Deebon Bodo/Mogho in Gokana, Nkeleoken/Alode in Eleme, Korokoro Well in Tai, Obolo Ebubu in Eleme and Bara Akpor Botem in Tai. Its 2026 livelihood scheme, we are informed, is designed to provide skills training to 2,200 people across Eleme, Gokana, Khana and Tai. Nevertheless, the implications of the United Nations Environment Programme’s (UNEP) 2011 assessment remain profound. UNEP found that potable water in Nsisioken Ogale was contaminated with benzene, a known carcinogen, at concentrations up to 900 times the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) guideline of 10 micrograms per litre, and cautioned that comprehensive restoration could require 25 to 30 years.

It would be misleading to contend that all Ogoni people are opposed to oil exploration on their land. Some young people have openly endorsed the reactivation of OML 11, but with a condition that is both legitimate and non-negotiable: they insist on direct participation in consultations and operational frameworks. Youth leaders are demanding at least 500 direct jobs within NNPCL and its subsidiaries. Their position is unequivocal: production may resume, but not without their meaningful participation and consent.

At least 51 civil society organisations appreciate this distinction and have opposed the proposed resumption of production, urging the government to abandon the plan and concentrate instead on remediating decades of pollution. Their apprehension is neither frivolous nor misplaced. Restarting wells while HYPREP’s remediation programme remains incomplete could expose communities to another cycle of contamination, health hazards and social tensions. The organisations include Oilwatch International and Health of Mother Earth Foundation, which argue that extracting oil without prior remediation would undermine human rights and Nigeria’s climate commitments.

Even more instructive is the schism within Ogoni leadership itself. KAGOTE — the principal socio-cultural body representing the four kingdoms — has called on the Ogoni Dialogue Committee to provide greater transparency and clarity regarding oil-related activities, appointments and opportunities. The disagreement centred on 40 NNPCL job slots and alleged contract awards, which KAGOTE questioned, while the Committee’s chairman, Prof Don Baridam, dismissed the corruption allegations as false and misleading and denied influencing the 40 beneficiaries or receiving federal funds. Consequently, the controversy has transcended the question of whether oil should return. It now encompasses who decides, who benefits, under what conditions, and who possesses the legitimate mandate to speak for Ogoniland.

Compounding the fraught situation is the arrest and prosecution of Chief Gani Topba. The leader and spokesman of the Conscience of Ogoni People and a participant in the dialogue process is facing four-count charges relating to terrorism, seizure and detention of oil wells, and cybercrime before the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt. Prosecutors allege that he sought to pressure the government to exclude Shell — now Renaissance Africa Energy Company — and its affiliates from contracts. The court has scheduled a date in September 2026 for his bail application and further proceedings. He has pleaded not guilty. Whatever the eventual determination of the allegations, the prosecution of dissent within a process ostensibly founded on dialogue inevitably sends a dangerous signal.

Amid these controversies, the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) has accused some parties of clandestinely drilling in parts of Tai and Eleme without community consent, describing the alleged activity as a betrayal of the spirit of dialogue. MOSOP has demanded an immediate cessation and full disclosure. If the authorities genuinely seek to cultivate trust, every stage of re-entry must be subjected to rigorous public scrutiny. Opacity, in such a sensitive environment, is the surest way to rekindle longstanding suspicions.

We are of the opinion that Ogoni has already paid an exorbitant price for Nigeria’s oil wealth — polluted land, contaminated water, devastated livelihoods and, in 1995, the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other activists. The proposed return offers an opportunity to alter that tragic narrative, but only if the Federal Government, its corporate partners and Ogoni stakeholders establish a framework that is transparent, inclusive and environmentally responsible. Otherwise, reopening OML 11 will not merely reopen wells; it will reopen old wounds.

The trial of an Ogoni advocate and the drive to recommence production must not be regarded as unrelated developments. They are facets of the same fundamental question: whether the emerging compact between Ogoni and the Nigerian state will rest on dialogue, justice and mutual trust, or on confrontation, opacity and suspicion. Ogoni should not be compelled to choose between economic prosperity and environmental justice. It deserves both. If oil is to return, it must do so under a new social contract — one that safeguards the environment, guarantees substantive community participation, makes benefits transparent and measurable, and prevents any individual or group from appropriating the process.

Ogoni cannot remain indefinitely imprisoned by the failures of its past. If extraction recommences under a genuinely reformed framework that guarantees environmental safeguards, meaningful community participation, employment, infrastructure and equitable revenue sharing, it could contribute to economic rejuvenation. But Abuja and the industry must appreciate that Ogoniland is not an ordinary oil-producing territory. Its history bears the profound scars of decades of pollution, broken promises and state violence. That history demands not haste, but exceptional prudence.

Comprehensive and credible remediation must remain a cardinal objective, not an afterthought; communities must have a substantive voice; economic gains must be tangible rather than disappear into elite pockets; young people must receive meaningful employment rather than token gestures; and a robust accountability mechanism must ensure that another major spill cannot be casually dismissed as merely a cost of doing business. Ogoni has already paid once; oil must not make it pay a second time.

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Editorial

NBA Confab 2026: Matters Arising

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The 66th Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), which held in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, from 21 to 28 August 2026 under the theme “Beyond Limits”, has since been concluded. Thousands of lawyers, judges, policymakers, and other stakeholders had gathered in the Garden City to deliberate on the state of the legal profession, justice, and democratic governance. However, the question that follows is what difference has the conference made to Nigeria?

The question is not that of pertinence or unfairness. The NBA has long convened annual conferences at the expense of millions of naira, resulting in communiqués, resolutions, and lofty declarations on the rule of law, accountability, judicial independence, and corruption. Nevertheless, the ordinary Nigerian still faces a justice system riddled with delays, costs, inaccessible courts, and declining confidence. According to the World Justice Project’s 2025 Rule of Law Index, Nigeria ranks 120 out of 143 countries, although its overall score had improved marginally as compared to the previous score. The statistics should be a concern to the profession.

Therefore, it is time for the NBA to show how the previous conferences have resulted in reforms that strengthened the rule of law, enhanced accountability, and reduced corruption in the judiciary. The Association has repeatedly placed judicial reform, professional ethics, and anti-corruption on the agenda. For example, in 2023, the ICPC publicly urged lawyers to cooperate more closely with anti-corruption agencies and comply with professional obligations regarding dubious financial activities. Nigerians need a clearer account of what happened after the conference lights went out.

The problem is disconcerting as the NBA is not an ordinary professional association. It is one of the country’s foremost pressure groups and occupies a unique position at the intersection of law, government, and citizenship. Its members appear before virtually every important court, advise governments, draft legislation, prosecute and defend cases, and influence public policy. The Association should be an unequivocal check on governmental excesses. Its voice should not only be loud when lawyers’ professional interests are threatened; it should also be audible whenever constitutionalism, human rights, and institutional independence are imperilled.

In this regard, Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s charge at the opening of the conference was salutary and deserves more than polite applause. He reminded lawyers and judges that whatever they do affects the country, urging judges to consider the wider consequences of their judgments and insisting that truth must prevail regardless of the status or social affiliations of litigants. He also warned against undue delays, political manipulation, corruption, rigid technicalities, and outdated precedents that can obstruct access to justice. His main point was that the quality of justice delivered by the courts is inseparable from the quality of national development.

That argument goes to the very raison d’être of the legal profession. Law is not an ornamental institution reserved for courtrooms and legal textbooks; it is the framework through which the government exercises power, citizens assert rights, and institutions settle disputes. Thus, every critical decision of the Bench or the Bar can have ramifications that go beyond the litigants immediately involved. Where judgments are respected and consistently enforced, confidence grows; where justice seems selective, tardy, or susceptible to influence, cynicism flourishes, and the social contract frays.

The present moment makes the NBA’s responsibility even more exigent. When other institutions appear weakened or compromised, lawyers cannot afford to become passive spectators. They should be the nation’s conscience, defending constitutional government without fear or favour. This requires the Association to challenge unlawful executive conduct, scrutinise legislative actions, defend judicial independence, and insist that court orders be obeyed by all, including government officials. The NBA cannot legitimately demand respect for the law from ordinary citizens while it remains reticent when those entrusted with public authority ignore it.

Governor Fubara’s insistence that judges should be neither apologists nor conformists is pertinent. Judicial courage does not mean judicial recklessness and independence does not mean immunity from accountability. What citizens need is a Bench whose decisions are based on law, reason, and integrity rather than political calculations or social connections. The Governor rightly argued that public confidence will improve when judges demonstrate sound knowledge, excellent legal reasoning, courage, and commitment while holding both the government and the governed equally accountable under the Constitution.

The statistics are a sobering indictment of the distance between aspiration and reality. The World Justice Project’s assessment looks at constraints on government powers, absence of corruption, open government, fundamental rights, civil justice, and criminal justice, among other things. Globally, 68 per cent of the 143 jurisdictions assessed declined in rule-of-law performance in 2025, with judicial limits on government power declining in 61 per cent. Nigeria’s marginal improvement is welcome, but its 120th position should hardly inspire complacency.

There is also a lesson in the NBA’s own conduct during the controversy around the 2025 conference. The Association moved the conference from Rivers to Enugu after a declaration of a state of emergency and concerns about constitutional governance. Whatever one’s view of the episode, it demonstrated that the NBA can take a consequential institutional position when it chooses to do so. Hence, its return to Port Harcourt for the 2026 conference should be accompanied by an equally courageous commitment to the principles that informed its earlier stance.

Former Liberian President George Weah reinforced this axiomatic truth in his keynote address. Elections do not sustain democracy, but strong institutions do. He warned that democracy can be weakened not only by military intervention or defeated politicians refusing to surrender power but also by elected governments gradually compromising institutions designed to restrict executive authority. For Nigeria’s lawyers, the message is that the Bar must remain a shield against executive overreach, while the Bench remains sufficiently independent to decide cases according to law rather than political convenience.

“Beyond Limits” must become more than a conference slogan; it must grow into an institutional mandate. The NBA should publish measurable post-conference commitments, report annually on their implementation, monitor critical court and constitutional issues, strengthen legal aid and access to justice, and speak up promptly whenever government’s conduct threatens constitutional order. It should also ask itself whether its conferences are producing sufficient national impact.

Nigerians do not need another eloquent gathering whose resolutions gather dust. They need a Bar that is visible, vigilant, and resolute; a Bench that is independent and incorruptible; and a legal profession prepared to defend democracy not merely in speeches, but in the daily life of the nation. That is the real measure of going beyond limits.

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Editorial

Confronting Scavengers’ Threat in Rivers

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Rivers State is grappling with an unusual and increasingly dangerous adversary. They do not carry guns, nor do they announce their presence with any great fanfare, but the damage they inflict on public infrastructure and private property is proving every bit as costly as more conventional forms of crime. Many now refer to them as silent terrorists — men and women who strip bridges, drains, and homes of anything that can be exchanged for cash at a scrapyard. What was once dismissed as a nuisance has hardened into a genuine threat to public safety, and it deserves the full attention of those charged with governing the state.

These itinerant scrap collectors, widely known on the streets as “iron condemn,” have moved well beyond their original trade of gathering discarded metal and household refuse. Driven largely by hardship, rogue operators now roam freely through Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor, and their activities have shifted from harmless salvage to outright vandalism of public assets. Manhole covers vanish overnight. Wire mesh is stripped from bridges. In some instances, these characters have also been accused of serving as lookouts for more serious criminal enterprises, lending their apparent innocence to darker purposes.

Social commentators across the state have not minced their words, describing the phenomenon as a fresh strain of economic terrorism visited upon ordinary citizens. Their argument is a compelling one: infrastructure paid for with public funds is being quietly dismantled, piece by piece, while those responsible melt back into the crowd before anyone can react. Consequently, there have been repeated calls for governments at every tier to reinforce security around the installations most likely to attract these scavengers, before more of the state’s assets are lost to the scrap dealer’s scale.

What makes this menace particularly  disingenuous is how ordinary its perpetrators appear. Pushing carts or dragging sacks, they blend into the everyday bustle of the city, arousing little suspicion until the damage is discovered. Bridges have been left structurally weakened, road furniture damaged beyond easy repair, manhole covers stripped from major roads, rail tracks compromised, drainage systems rendered useless, and electrical installations left exposed to the elements and to further theft. Each of these represents not merely an inconvenience but a genuine hazard to motorists, pedestrians, and residents alike.

Nor do these individuals confine themselves to public property. Homes across the state have been invaded and stripped of gas cylinders, generators, ceiling fans, handrails, and window and door metal frames. The pattern of their movements is rarely virtuous; there is method, and often menace, behind it. Some have taken to prising manhole covers from the roads specifically to sell them on to iron smelters elsewhere in the country, where the metal is melted down and recycled into other products. In doing so, they have become, in the truest sense, a danger to the society that once tolerated their presence.

Their impact on the physical environment is scarcely less troubling. Scavengers descend upon refuse dumps and leave them in disarray, tearing open bags of waste that had been properly sorted and disposed of, scattering the contents across roads and drainage channels. What was meant to be a tidy, managed process of waste collection instead becomes another source of filth and blockage, undermining the very sanitation efforts the state government has invested in.

The scale of the damage this behaviour can cause was laid bare recently in a disturbing video that circulated widely on social media, showing scavengers dismantling a bridge linking Festac Town and Alakija in Lagos. The footage showed them breaking into the structure’s concrete pillars to extract the iron rods and steel reinforcements buried within — components essential to the bridge’s structural integrity. Although the incident occurred outside Rivers State, it stands as a  dyed-in-the-wool warning of what unchecked scavenging can ultimately do to critical infrastructure, and Rivers cannot afford to wait for a similar calamity before acting.

Understandably, some communities have already taken matters into their own hands, barring scavengers from entering their neighbourhoods altogether. Reports suggest that many of these operators can turn confrontational when challenged, and there have been troubling accounts of violence associated with their activities. Beyond the immediate safety concerns, the informal dumps some scavengers have established have visibly defaced parts of Port Harcourt, compounding the city’s existing environmental difficulties.

Given all this, the moment has surely arrived for the Rivers State Government to step in decisively, either to regulate the trade or to curtail it outright where it cannot be safely managed. The economic argument for tolerating informal scavenging is easily outweighed by the criminal tendencies it has come to harbour and the environmental hazards it continues to generate.

Nigeria’s poverty statistics help explain, without excusing, why so many are drawn into this line of work. The National Bureau of Statistics has found that roughly 40 per cent of the population, some 83 million people, live below the national poverty line, while 63 per cent of Nigerians, around 133 million people, were classified as multidimensionally poor in the 2022 National Multidimensional Poverty Index survey. Desperation of that magnitude will always find an outlet, and scavenging has become one of the more visible ones in Port Harcourt.

It has also been observed that the ranks of scavengers in the state capital appear to swell month on month, as newcomers arrive and quickly join their peers already established in the trade. This steady influx has made the problem harder to contain through piecemeal, reactive policing, and points instead to the need for a coordinated registration and monitoring system that can distinguish legitimate waste pickers from those with more sinister intent.

Complicating matters further, some of these individuals go about their business in a manner deliberately designed to resemble that of genuine refuse disposal personnel, complete with carts and sacks that mimic official waste collection equipment. The dangers this disguise can conceal were illustrated by a deeply unsettling episode, where a scavenger was intercepted with a child hidden inside a refuse cart before fleeing the scene, abandoning his equipment in the process. That such a case could occur at all should alarm every parent and guardian in Rivers State, and it underlines why scrutiny of anyone operating under the guise of waste collection can no longer be treated as optional.

If scavenging is to continue in any form, it must be brought under proper control. Operators should be required to confine their activities to designated dumpsites within the city rather than being left free to roam residential streets, construction sites, and public infrastructure at will. Rivers State can licence, monitor, and confine this trade to where it belongs; what has been missing is the determination to do so. The longer it is withheld, the more bridges, drains, and homes will be quietly stripped bare, and the greater the risk that the next viral video of infrastructural vandalism will be filmed not in Lagos, but in Port Harcourt itself.

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Editorial

Sustaining Legacies Of Rivers-Owned Media Outfits

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The call by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Rivers State Council, for the urgent recruitment of personnel into state-owned media organisations is both timely and vital. Following its recent State Congress at the Ernest Ikoli Press Centre in Port Harcourt, the Union highlighted an acute manpower deficit caused by steady retirements and tragic deaths. We fully align with the Council’s resolution. Across the state’s broadcast and print outlets, severe staffing shortages have forced management teams to rely heavily on ad-hoc support staff, placing an unsustainable strain on already lean operational finances.
To his credit, Governor Siminalayi Fubara has demonstrated commendable foresight in bolstering the public sector, particularly through targeted hiring sprees in the health and education domains. A report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) underscores that public social services consume upwards of 60 per cent of state-level employment budgets in Nigeria, reflecting where official priorities historically lie. While health and education undeniably warrant continuous investment, the public information sector is equally fundamental to democratic governance and must not be left to wither.
It is now high time the Governor extended this same developmental vision to the state’s information architecture. The media houses require an immediate infusion of fresh talent to revive their operations. Leaving state-run communication channels understaffed undermines their ability to deliver efficient public service broadcasting and timely news dissemination, effectively muting the primary conduit through which the administration engages with its citizenry.
Beyond human capital, the physical and technological infrastructure of these establishments demands earnest intervention. It remains a stark paradox when a state chief executive hosts a major media chat and must rely predominantly on private media infrastructure to reach the public. These high-profile engagements could be seamlessly anchored by indigenous state channels, drastically cutting administrative expenditure. What is required is not abandonment but a deliberate effort to re-equip these institutions with modern broadcast apparatus.
Furthermore, state-owned radio and television frequencies ought to serve as the primary source for executive broadcasts. Rather than consistently relying on external stations to lead coverage, private media outfits should be encouraged to hook into state media feeds during major governmental programmes. Establishing the state’s own platforms as the flagship signals for official news would naturally restore prestige to these historical establishments.
It is financially counterproductive to channel massive patronage toward expensive private broadcast networks, while native public stations starve for patronage. Research from the Media Rights Agenda (MRA) indicates that state governments spend billions of naira annually on commercial media retainers—funds that could easily transform public institutions if retained internally. State establishments do not demand the exorbitant fees charged by private entities; investing internally ensures far greater fiscal efficiency for the public treasury.
We reiterate our plea for Governor Fubara to approve the immediate recruitment of qualified Rivers youths into these outlets alongside a comprehensive facility upgrade. As it stands today, state media organisations have received far too little capital attention, leaving dedicated personnel to manage antiquated tools. A modernised workforce paired with updated facilities would allow these vital stations to discharge their duties creditably and competitively.
This culture of systemic neglect did not originate with the current administration. History records a progressive decay under successive state leadership, with the notable exception of former Governor Peter Odili’s tenure, which prioritised media infrastructure and staff welfare. Governor Fubara now holds a unique historic opportunity to break this cycle of indifference and write a different chapter for the state’s press.
To grasp the full extent of this decline, the Governor should undertake an unannounced personal tour of these establishments. Direct observation would provide an unvarnished appraisal of the difficult conditions under which state media personnel labour. Despite the crippling constraints, these staff members continue to project government activities daily; such dedication should be met with institutional support rather than structural neglect.
The historical contributions of the state’s media ecosystem remain monumental. Generations of Nigerians recall the golden era of The Nigerian Tide, the pioneering broadcasts of Radio Rivers, and the regional dominance of Rivers State Television (RSTV), which was once a household name across the Niger Delta. According to historical records from the Nigerian Press Council (NPC), regional public media in the 1980s and 1990s served as the primary engines for regional identity and civic education.
Even amid present hardships, Rivers public media remain among the few operational government outlets in the country—a resilient legacy that must not be allowed to collapse. In a state widely recognised as media-friendly, revitalising these establishments offers an untapped avenue for commercial revenue generation. Nothing replaces a well-crafted narrative delivered through an authentic government mouthpiece; investing in internal institutions is far wiser than funding the growth of other platforms.
We need only look at the South-West geopolitical zone, where state governments have historically maintained robust regional communication networks. This media strength allows those states to shape national dialogue, project cultural influence, and defend public policy effectively. Rivers State can easily attain and surpass that standard if the present administration commits to a thorough revitalisation. A well-funded state media guarantees a strong, independent voice in national affairs, ensuring the government’s story is told accurately, dynamically, and from its own perspective.
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