Opinion
Re-Elections On Nigeria’s Leadership Question
Nigeria became an independent sovereign state on 1st October, 1960. On that date, in a solemn and colourful ceremony, there were inspiring speeches about hard work, duty to our country, sacrifice to our great nation and other such lofty themes, and naturally the people, surging with innocent enthusiasm, braced themselves for the honourable citizenship of the wonderful and prosperous nation which the nationalists had promised.
As the Union Jack was lowered and the Nigerian flag hoisted, which is the pride and symbol of dignity, buffeting in the wind were clinking of glasses ushering a new dawn.
By this act, Nigeria became the 16th African state to achieve nationhood in 1960. Because of her comparatively peaceful progress to independence and her large population and size, it was generally hoped that she would play the role of a leader-nation among the emerging state of Africa, an example of a functioning democracy.
Having got independence on October 1, 1960, it was assumed that the enthusiasm with which the country was launched into nationhood would sustain the Nigerian Federation and help her people to develop a sense of common destiny and a common nationality. The nationalists who had engaged directly and actively in the independence struggle had always insisted that, independence would make a lot of difference.
Now that they had gained power, the masses naturally expected a lot from them. They expected the emergence of a new social order in which oppression resulting from the colonial rule would cease and prosperity and progress ushered in.
But events after this date were soon to prove that Nigeria’s most vexing, most basic problems were tribalism, sectionalism and leadership. Because there were no answers to these problems, Nigeria, between 1962 and 1966, was to be launched into series of crises which brought the country to the brink of disintengration and ultimately led to the take-over of the government by the Army on January 15, 1966. As a result of Athese crises, the hope of the Nigerian people for leadership in African politics and for maximisation of progress was frustrated. Indeed, Nigeria became the laughing stock of the world.
Tribalism had always been a potent factor in Nigeria’s history. In 1951, it was exploited by Nigerian politicians in their political campaigns, and there started a campaign of hate and calumny against politicians who came from particular ethnic or tribal areas. It was in 1951, Nigerians heard the name Action Group. The Action Group was tribalistic because it metamorphosed from a Yoruba organisation and barred its membership to those who were not of the Yoruba extraction. This fact was exploited by the NCNC.
Politicians became shamelessly mean and unscrupulous in their appeal to the baser loyalties of their tribesmen, and all considerations of principles and ideology were thrown to the winds. The whole political equilibrium became dislodged by centrifugal forces-not only tribalism, but nepotism, greed and political jobbery, signifying a sharp deviation from the ideals that make for nationhood.
Perhaps, with the right kind of leadership, Nigeria might have been saved from the nightmares and turbulence of her post independence days. The lever of tribalism and sectionalism was used to deny Nigerians the right kind of leadership, while the country was at the threshold of independence, the question of leadership became a vexed problem for many well-meaning Nigerians, particularly the youth and intellectuals. Many thought leadership should be conceded to Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, because of his moral qualities.
However, as political parties were based on regions, the NPC of Northern Nigeria won the 1959 general elections, and took advantage of the population and size of the north. Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, a vice President of the NPC, was appointed Nigeria’s Prime Minister by Sir James Robertson, the then Governor General, while Dr. Azikiwe was made Governor-General.
Two years after independence, it became clear that the leadership was weak and uninspiring. The leadership question which arose then without answer and still stares us in the face today, was what the emerging nation needed to stabilise. A country like ours needs to settle the leadership question before it can play a decisive role in African politics.
African leaders like, Kwame Nkerumah of Ghana, Sekou Toure of Guinea, Senghor of Senegal, Abdul Gamel Nasser of Egypt etc, took their countries to greater heights because they were true statesmen and were patriotic. These leaders laid the foundation for development in their respective countries which their citizens enjoy today.
Our leaders obviously miss these qualities. They are corrupt, lack vision, ethnically prejudiced and selfish. No wonder 51 years after independence, we seem to be starting our nationhood.
President Jonathan must sit up and make a difference in governance, no Nigerian leader has ever made. He must be charismatic in his leadership style and be firm.
Jonathan’s administration may be the last, Nigerians expect to change the country. It must not fail.
Briggs writes from Port Harcourt.
Edward Briggs
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Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
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