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Putting FOI Bill In Proper Perspective

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The axiom that government remains the media’s fair weather friend in our climate cannot find better platform for demonstration than the macabre drama now staged around the refusal by the National Assembly to pass the Freedom of Information (FOI) bill into law. But this was expected. In any closed, corruption-endemic system, no attempt to subvert the status-quo in whatsoever guise would succeed like a duck on water. Without meeting resistance from the forces that have kept the people in bondage.

Thus, the FOI bill is perceived by the National Assembly, at least going by its original intendments, as a booby-trap capable of torpedoing their present stewardship and their future political careers. As the Senate power probe, and Patricia Etteh’s house renovation saga clearly showed, there are bundles of shady transactions wrapped in “official secrecy” at the National Assembly, that pass without any mention in the media. Is it therefore, a thing of surprise that the FOI bill spent seven years at the National Assembly under the Obasanjo civilian administration alone and when it was eventually passed for assent six months to the end of that administration, the president refused his assent, citing security reasons and the title of the bill as excuses for doing so?

One of the cardinal objectives of the FOI bill is to create an enabling atmosphere for the entrenchment and sustenance of accountability in public office. Its basic thrust is to facilitate unfettered access to statutorily unrestricted information in the public domain, empowering the public and civil society groups to hold officials accountable as well as creating opportunities for the people to be judge of whether or not their government officials are good stewards of public funds. It must be noted that accountability in public office can only be guaranteed when there is openness, transparency and “a-people-carrying-along.” disposition in the process of governance. This requires elected or appointed officials to, from time to time; inform the people without padding, equivocation or prevarication, how much resources they receive on behalf of the people, how and on what they spend such resources, and how much is left in the public till.

Commonsensically, openness which is the oxygen that sustains a democracy, is an important first step in holding governments accountable for how they manage the people’s money. Information is the fuel which powers the engine of democracy, and the media are the conducting valves that transport this fuel to every part of the engine. And since the media trade in information, they ipso facto occupy a central position in creating and sustaining an open society. It is with this realisation that the framers of the Constitution enshrined in section 22, that. “The press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this chapter and uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people.” Often construed as the fourth arm of government after the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, the Press is entwined with demoncracy like Siamese twins. This largely lies in the capability of the latter to keep the other arms of government honest and intoning in the public interest.

An obvious stumbling block in the path of the media to consummate their constitutional mandate to uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people is the battery of anti-progressive statutes that restrict access to information and hobble the drive to hold public officials accountable. These satutes, like the archaic official Secrets Act, promote secrecy and corruption in public offices, even as they hamstring the media from fulfilling that which the constitution had empowered them to do.

In such a scenario, the necessity for an enabling law to guarantee unhindered access to information held by public offices becomes imperative. It is for this that the Media Rights Agenda (MRA) partnered other civil society groups to sponsor an FOI bill in 2000 for passage in the National Assembly. However, it is a sad testament that the journey of the bill at the two-chambered legislature, with no fewer than three different versions presented at four different times, has now assumed a life of its own.

Whereas, it is apposite to note that the media’s roles in a democracy is to serve as an optical lens or microscope of information through which the peope know everything those exercising their mandate or consent (will) to govern, do on their behalf while in office.

This is why Prof. Ralph Akinfeleye said this of the tug-of-war at the National Assembly over the FOI bill before it: “It is very clear in the Constitution that the Press is not given the power of trial of public office holders on the pages of newspapers, magazines, on radio or television.

The constitutional duty given to the press is that of monitoring and making public officers accountable to the people at all times.”

That the media are championing the cause to see the FOI bill passed is justified. Saying this, the FOI bill should not be mistaken for a media bill, even though it bears much saliency with the spiralling web of media functionality in the information society of the 21st century. In its undiluted form. FOI defines the process by wich information or record under the control of a governmental agency or body is accessed. In other words, it is a legally enforceable right of a citizen to request information held by a governmental body.

Laconically, the application or use of the FOIA is not restricted to journalism practitioners (media people) as the uninformed are wont to believe completely and argue blindly.

This is the reason civil society organisations view it as an elixir for good governance in society and see those opposing the passage of the bill as enemies of development who have something to hide.

With the benefit of historical hindsight, the ill-fated Nigerian FOI bill resonates with fervour, and underscores the fact that freedom of information acts (FOIAs) had never been won anywhere without a sustained and protracted fight. Even in the United State from which the FOIA model was exported to many countries, it came about after much pressure from media groups and organisations, consumer associations. etc.

Spanning 20 years from 1945 to 1965. The American Congress passed the FOIA in 1966.

The law (FOIA) gave the public the right to discover what the government was up to, with certain exceptions. It sets out the basic instructions to follow to get information which if improperly withheld by a governmental body would warrant a court of law to compel such governmental body to disclose or release what is sought from it. There are, however, some exceptions which may not be disclosed, especially those concerning national security.

Notable exceptions include trade secrets, law enforcement and investigation files (reports), geological surveys or maps of oil wells and locations, details of troops movement during military operations, trade secrets. Personal medical records,, materials exempted by statutes, inter and/or intra-agency memoranda, et al. The Nigerian model stipulated a three years jail term without an option of fine for any public office holders who violate the law for materials not exempted.

Being a nation in desperate need to develop rapidly to meet its 2020 developmental aspirations. Nigeria cannot afford to continue to play politics with the FOI bill’s passage into law, passage of the bill is not only a dialectical necessity but a national imperative, particularly when it is considered that lack of transparency and openness in governance is the bane of effective budget implementation and tracking, service delivery and thus, rapid development of the nation.

The passage of the FOI bill into law is in the best interest of Nigeria. The problem of Nigeria may not be that of an FOI Act meant to facilitate the process of ridding the nation of what is the greatest impediment to advancement and to make it torrid for the apostles of corruption to practice their craft.

The real problem of Nigeria lies with the very people being dignified as leaders in the dark rooms of public offices and corrupting the art of civil governance. They are the very people fighting with every ounce of their might to keep the floodlights of transparency and openness permanently switched off in the land. In fact, they are the enemies of development who have been working against the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

Alemu Wrote in from Port Harcourt.

 

Dennis Alemu

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Kudos  Gov Fubara

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Please permit me to use this medium to appreciate our able governor, Siminalayi Fubara for the inauguration of the 14.2-kilometre Obodhi–Ozochi Road in Ahoada-East Local Government Area.  This inauguration marks a significant milestone in the history of our communities and deserves commendation. We, the people of Ozochi, are particularly happy because this project has brought long-awaited relief after years of isolation and hardship.
The expression of our traditional ruler, His Royal Highness, Eze Prince Ike Ehie, JP, during the inauguration captured the joy of our people.  He said, “our isolation is over.”  That reflects the profound impact of this road on daily life, economic activities, and social integration of the people of Ozochi and other neighbouring communities. The road will no doubt ease transportation, improve access to markets and healthcare, and strengthen links between Ahoada, Omoku, and other parts of Rivers State.
The people of Ahoada, Omoku, and indeed Rivers State as a whole are grateful to our dear governor for this laudable achievement and wish him many more successful years in office. We pray that God endows him with more wisdom and strength to continue to pilot the affairs of the state for the benefit of all. As citizens, we should rally behind the governor and support his development agenda. Our politicians and stakeholders should embrace peace and cooperation, as no meaningful progress can be achieved in an atmosphere of conflict. Sustainable development in the state can only thrive where peace prevails.
Samuel Ebiye
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… And It Came To Pass

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Quote:“Leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation.”
Tell it  in Rivers State, publish it  in the streets of Port Harcourt, so  the daughters of the State could rejoice, and the daughters of the uncircumcised triumph and know that Fubara is not vindictive”. And it came to pass that Rivers State emerged from one of the most delicate chapters in its political journey, the period of emergency rule that spanned from March 18 to September 18, 2025. It was a season that tested institutions, strained loyalties, and exposed the fragile balance between power and principle. During that time, the suspended Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara DSSRS, was widely believed to have suffered not only political setbacks but personal betrayal, allegedly from some top civil servants within the state apparatus. These were individuals expected to uphold neutrality and professionalism, yet were accused in public opinion of taking sides against the very government they served.
As the emergency rule ended and Governor Fubara resumed office, expectations were shaped less by policy and more by emotion. Many assumed that revenge would quietly find expression through governance. The loudest suspicion centered on the 2025 Christmas bonus of ?100,000 traditionally paid to each worker. The thinking was simple and cynical: a wounded governor would surely withhold goodwill. Some voices even mocked workers  openly hoping that the governor would refuse to pay the bonus. To them, denial of the bonus would serve as proof of political strength and justified retaliation. In reality, such thinking revealed a troubling desire to see governance reduced to personal vendetta. Yet,  it came to pass, the governor chose a path that confounded suspicion. Against all expectations, the 2025 Christmas bonus was paid.
That single decision quietly but firmly reframed the narrative. It showed a leader focused on governance rather than grudges, on institutional continuity rather than emotional satisfaction. The payment was not a favor, nor was it a concession; it was a statement that public administration must rise above personal injury. By honoring the bonus, Governor Fubara demonstrated that leadership is not measured by how hard one strikes back, but by how steady one remains under provocation. He made it clear that workers’ welfare would not become collateral damage in political disagreements. This action also served as a moral rebuke to those who celebrated division and hoped for punishment. Governance is not validated by the suffering of workers, nor is leadership strengthened by withholding entitlements. At the same time, the issue of alleged sycophancy and betrayal within the civil service cannot be brushed aside. If proven, such conduct deserves firm, lawful, and institutional correction. Civil servants are bound by duty to the state, not to political conspiracies or shifting loyalties.
However, justice must never be confused with revenge. The strength of governance lies in correcting wrongs without destroying the system itself. Governor Fubara’s restraint suggested an understanding that the future of Rivers State mattered more than settling scores. For workers, this moment carried an important lesson. Celebration should be rooted in good governance, not in the expectation of another’s downfall. Rejoicing in rumors of denial or punishment undermines the very stability that protects workers’ welfare. Public service thrives where professionalism, mutual respect, and accountability are upheld. Pettiness, gossip, and political scheming only weaken institutions and erode trust. History often remembers leaders not for the crises they inherit, but for the character they display in response. In paying the 2025 Christmas bonus, Governor Fubara chose legacy over impulse, maturity over malice.
And so, it came to pass that focus defeated revenge, governance triumphed over bitterness, and Rivers State was reminded that true leadership is proven when restraint is expected least but delivered most. Beyond the symbolism of the Christmas bonus lies a deeper question about the kind of political culture Rivers State intends to cultivate in the years ahead. Periods of emergency rule, anywhere in the world, often leave behind residues of suspicion, fear, and silent realignments. Institutions do not emerge untouched; individuals recalibrate loyalties, some out of conviction, others out of self-preservation. What distinguishes stable democracies from fragile ones is not the absence of such moments, but the discipline with which leadership manages their aftermath. River.
King Onunwor
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That Withdrawal of Police   Orderlies  From VIPs

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Quote:”Balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk in a country where the majority of citizens are still under-protected.”
The Presidential announcement on the removal of police orderlies from persons in authority and their relations  ( Very Important Persons ) last month came as a relief to many Nigerians who felt deprived    of one major  role of government ; security of lives and property.The higher  population of Nigerians  missed needed security because the VIPs and the VVIPs kept  retinue of Police Officers  totalling over 100 ,000 to  themselves and their family members as if they are all that matter  while some  communities under attack of terrorists  have no single unit of  police station located there in. While many hailed the announcement , some said perhaps the government has just woken up to her major responsibility of securing the lives and property of all  citizens while many expressed indifference on the note that it may be one of those pronouncements which come only in words but no action .Many keep their fingers crossed watching how it will play out , how Mr President  will  go about the implementation of the seemingly dicey  policy .
Benjamin Franklin  said “well said is better than well done ”  It is sufficient today to say that many Nigerians including me are still waiting and watching to see  how well  and how long this  return  of the Police service to the ordinary people will go . Wishing hopes will not be crashed ,  It  is note worthy, that  the recent complaints by the VIPs of being exposed to attacks  may in a way affect the action on implementation. Recently, at Senate plenary , another worrisome  angle came up as Senator Abdul Ningi  coming through a motion    disclosed that he had only one police officer attached to him ( his office ) and that  the officer was recalled the week before following  Mr President’s directive  . Senator Ningi said the withdrawal exposed him to high risks but underscored the angle that while his orderly  was recalled , many other politicians , men  and women in authority, business concerns   foreigners  and even children of some  VIPs are still enjoying retinue of police protection ( officially attached to them ).
 It’s note  worthy also that the Deputy Senate President , Distinguished Senator Jibrin Barau,  who presided  over  the session revealed that the  leadership of both chambers are already in discussion with President Tinubu on the need  to exempt  the law makers  from the new policy .  Senator Ningi may not be  wrong . After all he emphasized he is okay  provided that the removal of the Police Orderlies be done across board . Senator Barau noted that talks are on  over the issue of law makers’    in line with international practice . Further details from the Presidency  noted  that   Presiding officers  will retain their  police officers ,  others would have Civil Defense  officers ( NSCDC) as orderlies while  any other VIP who feels he or she deserves personal police protection should get clearance from  his office . In the midst of all  issues weighing in on the proper implementation , it becomes necessary  to bear in mind that  the decision  hinges on  the realization that Nigeria has peculiar security issues (of kidnappings, banditry, and terrorism.) and that  majority of Nigerians   are under protected.
More so, that if well  implemented, Police officers will focus on core duties; even as 30,000 new police officers are to  recruited to enhance security .That implementation  must be made in a  way that leaves no room.for selective  treatment loss of confidence  and  controversies.  Looking at previous attempts of  implementation  of this policy  gives faint hope  as several  attempts consistently failed . Former  IGPs like Tafa Balogun (2003), Ogbonnaya Onovo (2009), and Ibrahim Idris (2018) tried  the policy but all  failed due to political resistance from various angles. All the failed attempts  were tied to lack of political will  mostly due to the fact that the directives came from police chiefs, not the president. Selective Enforcement was another killer to the policy  as  partial implementation  met  resistance   and   later  reversal . Egbetokun (2023) and Adamu (2020) saw minimal impact.
Further more entrenched corruption in the system saw  Politicians and VIPs quietly regain police escorts due to ‘transactional economics”and pressure. Worse still the mindset of the  police officers  withdrawn didn’t help the policy Underpaid police prioritize VIP duties for extra benefits. Many wish President Tinubu’s move can  break this cycle.  As at today, he  still  insists the move is non-negotiable while stressing collaboration with states to upgrade training facilities. As citizens look forward to  success of the policy  without undue exposure of both sides, balancing VIP security with public safety remains a tightrope walk. Talk fades ; action echoes.  How the Presidency  implements this policy.  has  much to tell on the governments stand on national / community  security , choice of priority and the ability to   stand uncomprised . The known  goal is clear:  The outcome is  not yet certain.  Fingers crossed , we await . Definitely , time will tell.
By: Nneka Amaechi-Nnadi.
s State stood at such a crossroads in September 2025. The temptation to rule with a long memory and a heavy hand was real. Yet, the choice made signaled a preference for healing over hardening. Leadership after crisis demands more than administrative competence; it requires moral clarity.
 Governor Fubara’s decision reminded the state that authority is not best exercised through silent punishment or selective generosity. Rather, it is strengthened when rules remain rules, irrespective of personal injury. By keeping faith with workers, the government preserved an essential firewall between politics and public service. That firewall, once breached, turns governance into a battlefield where livelihoods become weapons. Rivers State narrowly avoided that descent. In doing so, it affirmed that institutions must outlive tempers, and governance must not mirror the bitterness of political seasons. This moment also invites sober introspection within the civil service itself. Allegations of partisanship, if left unresolved, corrode professionalism and weaken public confidence. A civil service that drifts into political camps loses its moral authority and operational effectiveness.
Therefore, reform, where necessary, should be guided by due process, transparency, and institutional review—not whispers, witch-hunts, or mob verdicts. Accountability strengthens systems when it is fair; it destroys them when it is arbitrary. The restraint shown by the executive places a corresponding burden on administrative leadership to restore discipline, neutrality, and pride in public service. For the wider political class and the commentariat, the episode serves as a caution against normalizing cruelty as strategy. The eagerness with which some anticipated workers’ suffering revealed a dangerous appetite for scorched-earth politics. When governance becomes a spectator sport where pain is cheered and deprivation is weaponized, society inches toward moral exhaustion. Rivers State has seen enough turbulence to know that stability is not sustained by triumphalism, but by restraint.
The lesson is simple yet profound: power is fleeting, but institutions endure; leaders pass, but precedents remain. In the end, the payment of the 2025 Christmas bonus was more than a fiscal act—it was a civic statement. It told workers they were not expendable. It told political actors that revenge would not be policy. And it told the state that maturity in leadership is not weakness, but strength under control. In a climate where many expected fire, restraint prevailed; where bitterness was predicted, balance emerged. Thus, Rivers State was offered a rare reminder that governance, at its best, is an act of discipline, and leadership, at its highest, is the courage to rise above provocation.
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