Opinion
Niger Coup: Learning From History
Niger Republic, said to be one of the world’s poorest countries since gaining independence in 1960 from France, on Wednesday July 26, 2023, experienced a political upheaval in what appears to be a revolution masterminded and spearheaded by the Putschists. Consequently, the democracy and all relevant institutions of that country were sacked. The head of the Government, President Mohammed Bazoum was overthrown in a palace coup and placed under arrest. Inevitably, a military administration, struggling for recognition and legitimacy, headed by General Abdourahmane Tehiani, who is the head of the Presidential Guard of Niger Republic since 2011 appeared on State television to declare himself “president of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland,” General Tehiani presented the coup as a response to “the degradation of the security situation” linked to Jihadist bloodshed. The Putschists, who are facing international condemnation for overthrowing a constitutional Government and a democratically elected president, has warned of the dire consequences that would ensue if there would be external military intervention. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is already contemplating a military action if the directive to release the ousted President was ignored by the junta.
As expected, already Niger’s former colonial master, France has unequivocally demanded that the ousted President Bazoum’s democratically elected government be restored. It called Bazoum the “sole president”, thus not recognising the military Government of General Tehiani. For their part, regional West African leaders, under the aegis of the ECOWAS, met in Abuja, the Nigerian Capital on Sunday, July 30, to take a position on the incursion of the military in Niger’s democracy. ECOWAS gave the junta a seven-day ultimatum to release, and reinstate Bazoum or face offensive reactions. While recognising Bazoum as the legitimate president of Niger, ECOWAS imposed land and border closures, suspended commercial flights between Niger and ECOWAS member states, froze account and assets and stopped supply of energy to Niger. According to the president of the Commission, Omar Touray, Chief of Defence Staff of member states will strategise on effective ways to implement a possible military operation “to restore constitutional order. Such measures may include the use of force”.
Recall that before the extra-ordinary meeting of leaders of ECOWAS member states, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of Nigeria, who is also the Chairman of ECOWAS, in a tersely worded speech said: ECOWAS and the international community would do everything to defend democracy and ensure democratic governance continued to take firm root in the region. However, if reports on the social media are anything to go by, three ECOWAS member states, on Monday July 31, “opted out of sanctions imposed on Niger Republic, describing the sanctions as ‘inhuman and immoral”.
The three member countries, according to the report are: Guinea, Burkina Faso and Mali.The European Union described the coup as, “a serious attack on stability and democracy” and threatened to sanction or stop giving aid to Niger Republic. Germany and the United States are also vehemently opposed to the coup. But coups d’etat (bloody or bloodless) are not new in developing countries, including Africans’.
For instance, Nigeria, the acclaimed giant of Africa had experienced six coups d’etat since it became a Republic. The coups are: January 15, 1966 Kaduna Nzeogu-led coup that toppled the first civilian Government; July 29, 1966 counter coup, that brought General Yakubu Gowon to power; July 29, 1975 that midwifed the emergence of Murtala Muhammad; February 13, 1976 bloody coup that brought in General Olusegun Obasanjo; December 31, 1983, that paved way for General Muhammadu Buhari following the overthrow of Shehu Shagari’s Second Republic administration; the August 27, 1985 coup that brought in General Ibrahim Babangida; August 26, 1993 that ushered into leadership General Sani Abacha, and in 1998, General Abdulsallami Abubarkar emerged as a result of the death of General Abacha. However, Nigeria has experienced four attempted coups. Sadly, prosecutors of the coups d’etat have more often than not advanced insecurity, corruption, bad governance, rigidity and gross incompetence as reasons for their coups.
My worry is that coup is becoming a regular phenomenon because it seems to be the only alternative to remove bad and corrupt government from power including military administration who are also proven to be corrupt and inept. The democratic processes of electing political office holders is so fraught with corruption and malpractices that to remove an inordinately ambitious incumbent president or governor is like forcing a camel through the needle’s eye. That is why in several African countries, the electoral processes are circumvented to perpetuate an unpopular and a failed administration. Though military administrations are not constitutional, thus not fashionable anywhere in the world, because of the abuse of human rights with impunity, it seems to give a flicker of relief and respite to a suffering masses. It also serves as a check to the excesses of democratically elected administrations because the legislature whose oversight responsibility is to curb the excesses of the Executive arm of Government seems to be compromised. The Media whose Statutory duty is also to make Government accountable to the people are either caught in the web of corrupt society or gagged by media-unfriendly Governments through obnoxious and anti-press laws.
Without saying a new thing, the major problem of African countries is leadership. Once leadership challenge is fixed, African countries, including Nigeria will be on the fastest lane of development in all sectors. African and world leaders should strengthen democratic values through good governance in developing democracies, instead of intentionally perpetuating inept and callous administration. History repeats itself because people do not want to learn from the ugly past. The aim of the study of past events is to enable us to guard against a reinvent of the sad past, and improve for the future. By now democratically elected African leaders should have learnt from history how to guard against the intervention of military in civil rule by carrying out their constitutional obligations of security of lives and property putting in place policies that will enhance the welfare of the people. The legitimacy of any Government is a function of the people’s mandate. So, no Government exists by itself and for itself. It exists for the people, holding the resources of the people in trust as steward.
But the fulfilment of such constitutional duties is in most cases a far cry. Many African countries are faced with incidents of insecurity, poverty and corruption. And these are the indices of a country on the brink of failure. Rather than advocating the continuity of an ineffective and failed constitutional or democratic administration that cannot be sacked through a democratic process, African and world leaders should prevail on civil or elected officers without substance, clear and realistic economic policies, adequate security architecture and institutions, to protect lives and property, to live up to their constitutional duties. If political leaders perform creditably to justify the public confidence and demand of their offices, they will make civil rule “less attractive” to the military. Change of Government (democratically elected or military) is the incentive the masses get from end of bad governance. The panacea to coup is for head of Government to show competence and citizens-friendly in policy formulation.
By: Igbiki Benibo
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