Opinion
Goodluck Jonathan And Biafra Question
Not long ago, former President of Nigeria, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, delivered a lecture in Texas, United States of America, on why Niger-Deltans do not want to be part of Biafra. Attached to that lecture was a map showing parts of Southern Nigeria marked out as making up an envisaged “Biafra” as a nation to be created from Nigeria, after some referendum. Serious-minded Nigerians who have not read the Goodluck Jonathan’s lecture are strongly advised to look for a copy and read it. For the information of Nigerians who may not be aware of it yet, in the eyes of the international community, Nigeria is currently wearing a tag of a sick nation. Especially the reaction of the Federal Government to the report of the European Union on the last 2023 elections, there has been some rising anxiety about Nigeria in various quarters. Powerful nations do intervene in the affairs of weak nations, but such interventions usually follow security reports indicating possible dangers ahead.
The Goodluck Jonathan’s Texas lecture was surely one material which the international community will use as basis for a possible intervention in the situations in Nigeria. Coming from a former President of Nigeria and touching on the issue of Biafra and the possibility of a referendum in the future, any intelligent Nigerian would easily figure out what the result of such referendum would be. Theme of the lecture was “Why Remaining Indivisible With Nigeria Than Joining Forces With Biafrans In Splitting The country Will Pay Niger Deltans More”. It was an advocacy material not only for Niger Delta people, but also for other minority ethnic groups, over the issue of marginalisation. The National Question has been a serious issue of academic debates in Nigerian universities for a long time, getting to a boiling point when Ken Saro-Wiwa and other Ogoni people were hanged for agitating for a fair deal in the country. M. A. Kayode observed that inequality in the access to resources is the basis of the national question. Thus rivalries and competitions for the control of resources in Nigeria have been common features of the ruling class in Nigeria, whose chief goal is the accumulation of wealth, with little value added to the conditions of the masses. Oppressors and Predators!
Dr Goodluck Jonathan’s Texas lecture contained ten key items, of which item I states: “Biafra may not be better for Niger Deltans because Niger Deltans may end up living one form of subjugation or another. The argument Igbos have made for their freedom is the desire to be free from Hausa-Yoruba domination. That argument also applies to the average Niger Deltan…” With regard to the annexation of unwilling minority groups in the map of proposed Biafra, Jonathan said: “many of these non-Igbo regions have disowned the map and pledged allegiance to Nigeria”. Apart from his argument that Niger Delta groups may never be allowed to rule Biafra if it is actualised, Jonathan added that “no Niger Deltan will allow his ‘oil’ to be used to develop Enugu like what happened with Abuja and is still happening today. Niger Deltans are getting wiser and when the new nation is formed, matters that border on oil, wealth distribution and infrastructural development will be raised”. Sum total of the Texas lecture is that Niger Deltans will NOT subscribe to the Biafran movement or agitation.
The national question has nothing to do with any bitterness or enmity between the people of Niger Delta and the Igbo ethnic group; rather, it is a question about the Nigerian Political economy. Three dominant and major ethnic groups since 1960, have been the Hausa, Yoruba and the Igbo, with several ethnic minority groups being marginalised, with regard to access to a proverbial “national cake”. Sadly, the “national cake” consisted of mineral oil and gas coming largely from the Niger Delta minority zone. While the dominant and powerful groups could afford to checkmate themselves, the minority ethnic groups have all along been at the mercy of their powerful neighbours. Sadly the foundation of current Nigeria’s political economy was laid by military administrations, with the Civil War (1967-1970) providing unhindered opportunities for some lopsided policies and edicts which placed the Niger Delta zone in serious disadvantages. The truth must not be denied that some penalty was placed on participants in the original Biafra struggle.
Now, all the flaws and factors which gave rise to the 1966 military intervention in Nigeria’s politics, as well as additional injustices occasioned by the war, combine in issues that place Nigeria now as a sick nation. Not only corruption is fingered as accounting for Nigeria’s sad situation, but more, the integrity to address the root causes. National virus has now taken the position of the national question, which seeks to destroy and devour who would insist on resolving the national question, by way of restructuring. It is safer and more expedient to join the predators and parasites rather than fight them. Can you beat them? When exclusiveness joins hands with predatory and parasitic political economy, the result is usually a mafia system of governance under the cloak of a democracy. Gangsterism, terrorism, religious extremism and division among various ethnic groups would be brought into political and economic issues, solely for the purpose of diverting attention away from a devouring virus which seeks to maintain the status quo. Sadly, external influences under various guises, but seeking for selfish gains, would join hands to make an unstable nation a sick one.
The Biafra dream will not become a reality, not with the whistle blown by Dr Goodluck Jonathan in his lecture in Texas, USA. Similarly the Igbo ethnic group is not helping its case or creating an image that would bring empathy or support for its project. Obviously there are internal moles stoking the fire of division and belligerence, whereas the situation calls for a different strategy. The international community would not want Nigeria to become another Sudan or Afghanistan. Neither are religious hawks and extremists aware of what is playing out in Nigeria.
Oil politics is a deadly affair, neither is the culture of colonialism a historical tale of the past. In the past, the strong would prey on the weak and claim tributes in spite of acts of brigandage. Now, internal colonialism is a phenomenon deserving a serious study. With external partners and support, a resource-rich country can become a haven for poachers, where gold and power can do and undo anything. Insecurity and instability are symptoms of a predatory and parasitic political economy. Will Biafra not prey on minorities?
By: Bright Amirize
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
Opinion
Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform
Opinion
As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm
-
Politics1 day agoSenate Receives Tinubu’s 2026-2028 MTEF/FSP For Approval
-
News1 day agoDangote Unveils N100bn Education Fund For Nigerian Students
-
News1 day agoRSG Lists Key Areas of 2026 Budget
-
News1 day agoTinubu Opens Bodo-Bonny Road …Fubara Expresses Gratitude
-
News1 day ago
Nigeria Tops Countries Ignoring Judgements -ECOWAS Court
-
Featured1 day agoFubara Restates Commitment To Peace, Development …Commissions 10.7km Egbeda–Omerelu Road
-
News1 day ago
FG Launches Africa’s First Gas Trading Market, Licenses JEX
-
Sports1 day agoNew W.White Cup: GSS Elekahia Emerged Champions
