Editorial
Human Rights: Reducing Inequality

December 10 every year is observed as International Human Rights Day, memorialising the anniversary of the ratification of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). This year’s event took place last Friday. The day is marked to heighten consciousness of rights that all human beings are entitled to, regardless of religion, sex, language, race, colour, nationality, among others.
This is a day when all people and their governments should reflect on the state of human rights around the world and in their own countries as well. It is a moment to recollect the struggles of the human rights defenders who demonstrate such remarkable determination in giving expressions to those who cannot speak for themselves.
Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, the theme this year for the Human Rights Day is “Equality — Reducing Inequalities, Advancing Human Rights.” This theme pertains to the Declaration’s Article 1, which states that every person is born free and equal in rights and dignity.
In 1948, the UNGA adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration, which has been translated into over 500 languages, is the most significant document on human rights. December 10 was subsequently picked to mark Human Rights Day. On this day, the United Nations also encourages countries to create equal opportunities for everyone.
Every country needs to recognise that human rights are part of the national constitutional and legal system, as national laws have a more direct impact than international or regional laws. Nevertheless, nations which have endorsed different pacts on an international level to guarantee and protect human rights must enforce them.
As the world marked the global event, Nigeria has, in recent months, been generating headlines worldwide for its government’s crass disregard for egalitarian principles. The government professes alliance to democratic standards; but since coming to power in 2015, it has consistently exhibited a dearth of consideration for the rule of law and has held the judiciary in derision.
This attitude is distinctly correlated to the government’s human rights infringements, reflected in frequent disobedience of court orders and unrelenting attacks on freedom of expression. This situation has startling similarities with the savage era of military tyranny in the country, in which freedom of expression was under incursion and human rights abuses rampant.
Nigeria gloats over its 22 consecutive years of unbroken civilian rule. But, not since its return to civil rule in 1999 has the country witnessed such a conspicuous manifestation of outright insensitivity by the government to alternative views and bigotry of differing voices. This is substantiated by Amnesty International, which, in a report published in October 2019, specified that at least 19 journalists and media professionals had been assaulted in Nigeria between January and September 2019, the greatest number since 2015.
Human rights infractions in Nigeria have turned into a culture as successive governments seem to transcend the former. Rights violations in the country have been taken to a whole new height, and government officials outperform themselves in explaining away the infractions. Deliberate muzzling of the views of opposition, manipulation of the electoral procedure to deny people of their right to the legitimate determination of who leads them, gender discriminations, are all phenomena of intolerance bordering on dictatorship.
Citizens are arrested and detained at will, the courts are being constrained to issue remand orders to keep people in detention beyond the time sanctioned by law, and there are many more people awaiting trial than those convicted. Nigerians are denied their right to protest, specifically with the experience of the recent EndSARS revolts. The orders of the court are not obeyed, mainly in matters concerning the government and its agencies.
Money is yet being demanded by security personnel on the road and at their stations with impunity. There are still stories of torture of inmates to elicit confessions from them. And unfortunately, too, it seems to be business as usual as the government even pays lip service to these rights violations which are the foundations of any democracy. Indeed, it has been a tough journey for Nigerians so far in ensuring that their constitutionally guaranteed rights are not only venerated but advanced in all spheres.
However, the recent 2021 Human Rights Awards of best performing governors in enhancing the sustenances of citizens and protection of their human rights to Governors Nyesom Wike and Babagana Zulum of Rivers and Borno States respectively by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), bestows a glimmer of hope that the country still has leaders with commendable human rights accomplishments. Both governors are role models and hence, deserve to be lauded.
The Nigerian authorities must come to terms with the fact that authoritarianism, repression, and the jaded approach of wanting to whip citizens demanding governance reforms into submission is no longer effective. The government must consult more and intently listen to its people. That is the only way it can go through the pulse of Nigerians to reflect their concerns in the process of governance.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work

When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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