Opinion
Check Activities At Eleme Junction
Eleme Junction connects the Aba-Port Harcourt Expressway, East-West (from Eleme), Oyigbo and Igbo-Etche Roads.
It houses many motor parks through which people travel to and from the state – through Igbo-Etche to Abia, through Eleme to Bori, then to some riverine communities like Andoni, Opobo, among others. Cross River and Akwa Ibom States also use the motor parks as well as people travelling to other parts of Nigeria.
The popular Wednesday Oil Mill Market, the Fruit and Vegetables market, the newly built Air Force Market by Igbo-Etche junction, Wazobia market and the Phone market opposite Oil Mill Market are all sited there.
Banks, petrol stations and other genuine businesses go on at Eleme Junction.
Vehicular and pedestrian movements are very high.
Despite the recent lockdown of Oil Mill Market by the Rivers State Government due to Covid-19 pandemic, the area has remained busy.
Since the flyover bridge was built, the usual vehicular traffic had disappeared making motorists comfortable while driving from one destination to another. But below the bridges have become a home for many hoodlums. Unknown persons have continued to make the place uncomfortable for others.
On daily basis, different groups of young men emerge from unknown routes harassing innocent passersby, defrauding them of their personal belongings. They snatch ladies’ bags, hand phones, including men. They go as far as snatching from moving vehicles in traffic.
Most early mornings, they search and collect huge sums of money from market women as the latter travel to purchase what they will sell.
At the end of the day, they go back home empty handed.
These same people are engaged in Agbero jobs which they do on behalf of their principals. Both registered and unregistered touting take place there. Sometimes, they also harass private vehicle owners who may wish to render assistance to pedestrians.
These groups of people are not of the same tribe. They are made up of different tribes, speaking different languages. Always smoking and looking rough in their dressing.
They may also be the same people terrorising commuters at the bad spot on Igbo-Etche Road. Hardly any day passes without a record of burgling of passengers’ belongings or kidnappings.
The worrisome thing is that these groups of people lose control at any little provocation. During the #ENDSARS protest last year, it was these unknown persons who hijacked the protest.
On that Tuesday night, 20th of October, 2020, when the Lekki Toll Gate massacre occurred, they were busy setting used vehicle tyres ablaze. Eleme Junction was full of smoke late that night so much that people found it difficult to get to their destinations.
Even postings on social media that night showed how the fire was as high as the flyover bridge. The next morning was a Wednesday when the problem became more pronounced. What was seen as a peaceful protest turned to something else. Between 9 and 10am that Wednesday morning, they had blocked the top of the flyover leading to Aba Road and there was no movement from Oyigbo either. The down part of the bridge was also on fire with thick smoke preventing movement from Eleme to East-West Road. The other part of Igbo-Etche road was not left out.
Within an hour, a clash occurred between them and Hausa boys who deal on fruits at Eleme Junction. They dealt with Hausa boys and spoilt all their fruits. Different groups carrying various clubs against each other injuring themselves.
As an eyewitness, I ran for my dear life holding my slippers in my hands. Other women were running helter skelter until we escaped through “Nkoro way”. Even policemen on duty around Eleme Junction all took off. Those that were still around there undressed immediately.
This and other disturbances led to the lockdown of that area by the Rivers State Government subsequently. In fact, I commend the government for that bold initiative concerning Eleme Junction otherwise nobody knew what would have happened.
Within few days, most shops in the area were looted during the lockdown as the owners obeyed the lockdown order by government. The Rumuokwurusi phone market, opposite Oil Mill market was set ablaze and the merchants counted their losses. Till today, I’m not sure it can be traceable to anyone.
Prior to the Yuletide, police authorities had warned that use of fireworks wouldn’t be tolerated, including burning of tyres. During the New Year eve, Eleme Junction witnessed burning of vehicle tyres so much that all the adjoining roads now wear dark looks. Debris of burnt tyres litter everywhere. Passersby try to cover their noses to avoid inhaling the dark dust while vehicles moved on them. As if they are above the law in that area.
The question I am asking is, who are these unknown persons? What tribe are they? Who do the Agberos remit their collections to? Because they collect N50 or N100 from commercial vehicles at every loading point. Once the drivers refuse to give to them, they use harmful objects on their vehicles. Do these money get to government? If not, their activities must be checked.
Although this may not concern Eleme junction alone, other places are also involved. I know that members of National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) usually put on reflective jackets of white and green colours. But these ones do not. So who do they work for?
I’m not unaware that police men and women are posted at strategic points on official duty at Eleme Junction. I think the security agencies should extend their patrol to the bridges which serve as hiding places for some of them when they carry out their nefarious acts.
The police should not feel that it is not their duty to chase hoodlums whose identities are unknown. Then if a mini police post can be built there, better.
Government should, as a matter of fact, check through appropriate ministries and Obio/Akpor Local Government Council to ascertain the identity of those hoodlums whose operation is posing a challenge to passersby and those who carry out their daily businesses genuinely.
Eleme Junction also belongs to a host community. The landlords, through the community development committee (CDC) should carry out a thorough investigation about the area. This will help curtail their nefarious activities.
By: Eunice Choko-Kayode
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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