Opinion
Mechanism Of Mercenary Mentality
Any activity undertaken by a human being, with monetary and material gains as primary motive or impetus, is one form which a mercenary mentality can take. Like the dangling of a promise of a reward of N36 million for any Nigerian scientist or medical researcher able to find a cure for Coronavirus, mercenaries do things for money, not conviction. Such mind-set born of a worldwide movement into deeper materialism, has some mechanism bearing some observable trends. It’s the opposite of patriotism.
In the history of education in Nigeria, during the colonial era, there was a policy of “Payment by Result”, whereby schools with impressive results received grants from government. How such examination results came about would not be an issue of concern, but what mattered was the “impressive” nature which was the determinant of award of grants. Good results, good grants!
The mechanism of mercenary mentality went to work to craft subtle means of getting impressive school results. School heads and teachers assisted pupils to pass examinations in “flying colours”. It took a long time, after much harm had been done, before obtuse policy makers could figure out that money is a good soldier. Sanctimonious people would talk of examination malpractices but would not search deeper for the causes.
In the university system there is a policy of “publish-or-perish”, whereby promotions of lecturers depend on articles published in “learned” journals, local and international. Like the history of the South Sea Bubble or the Scramble for Africa, humans long for where they can make maximum gain but with minimal investment. The job of teaching demands commitment to the learner as professional priority. Such commitment derives from personal conviction in the worth whileness of the job and the task involved.
Mechanism of the mercenary mentality went to work to place fame and personal gains in the forefront and commitment to the learner as an unimportant issue. We do not need a microscope to see the result. Who would not want to become a professor at the quickest possible time, if all it would take is to have publications and good rapport with appropriate god-fathers? From fixing of names in other peoples’ works, to several clever tactics, what do we not find in the universities in a hypocritical rat-race to excel?
“The higher you go, the cooler it becomes” is an old maxim which describes the philosophy of the mercenary mentality. To struggle from below is to take the risk of encountering hustlers and predators and so, why not jump to the top by any means, hook or crook? Once at the top, you can afford to pontificate and point out lazy and unpatriotic people.
Would you not want to retire at 70, even when you are 80, with your full salary, benefits and possibly acquire any choice government asset in your custody? To “board last flight” is to run the risk of being left out in grabbing the largesse that Nigeria offers to those in the fore-front. This is why there is hustling, horse trading, rat race, do-or-die affair, etc.
The up-coming version in the mechanism of the mercenary mentality was provided recently by an elder statesman and retired military general, Theophilus Danjuma. Listen to him: “The Nigerian Army under Burutai is working with President Buhari to grab lands from indigenous Nigerian owners and give it to Fulanis from West Africa and turn indigenous Nigerian people and land to modern-day Fulani colony”. Danjuma is not alone in raising this alarm, because, another retired general said so before.
Anyone who had read The Tide newspaper of Friday, February 21, 2020, would recall the scary headline: “Rise Up Against Herdsmen, Danjuma Tells Nigerians”. Ordinary Nigerians battling to find some food for their empty stomachs may not be interested to hear that “Miyetti Allah determines what happens in Presidency” or about the “Army working with Buhari to Grab Lands, gives some to Fulanis”. Such prospects are scary enough to contemplate.
Mercenaries are not only soldiers fighting a war they know nothing about, but solely for the sake of money and property to loot. Mercenaries are also those who participate in implementation of conspiracies because of ignorance, vengeance, envy or spite, even if they turn around later to shed crocodile tears. For example, we are being told that “the Northern Elders who in 2015 believed that General Buhari had come to redeem the North, have now turned against the President”.
In Shakespeare’s play, The Tempest, we have an illustration of how ambitious Antonio usurped the throne of his brother, Prospero, in collaboration with Alonso, King of Naples who was ill-disposed towards Prospero. Nigerian politicians often see situations better when they have left office, but power remains an ally they rarely forego.
The mechanism of mercenary mentality has an operational system which is built in the mind, with fabrics drawn from intellectual sophistry. No one has disproved the fact that humans are wolves and predators. They can blow hot and cold, depending on where their gain lies, such that the culture of service without reward as a motivator is rare to find. Humans cry wolf when their interest are threatened, but also become wolves when there are booties to share, including land grabbling. You have to be a macho-man to survive.
Dr. Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
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Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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