Editorial
No To Operation Python Dance
The recent move by the Nigerian Army to deploy soldiers to all corners of the country to fight a wide range of criminal activities for two months under its Operation Python Dance III has raised concerns of a needlessly militarised Nigeria despite the nation’s struggle with insecurity.
Although the Army always tries to downplay the first impression the name creates to ease tension about its intentions,there is something that sounds immediately sinister about the Nigerian Army’s Operation Python Dance simply because of its code name originally derived from Exercise Egwu Eke, an Igbo phrase. The operation was first launched in the South-East region in 2016 to combat criminal activities like armed robbery and kidnapping.
The main reason why Operation Python Dance rings a very loud bell in Nigeria today is because of its very controversial aura and outing in the South- East region especially when it returned for a second time in 2017, code named Exercise Egwu Eke II or Operation Python Dance II.
The exercise which was used as a training platform for troops, gained widespread notoriety after soldiers of the Nigerian Army were involved in well-publicised clashes with members of the separatist group, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), and its controversial leader, Nnamdi Kanu.
Soon after the commencement of the exercise in 2017, soldiers publicly clashed with IPOB members, with the group alleging that dozens of its members were killed in a crackdown that lasted for over a week and ended in the disappearance of Kanu before he later resurfaced in 2018.
In the course of that raid, soldiers also attacked the Abia State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Umuahia, assaulted a national union officer and damaged laptops, phones and other valuables in the building.
Close to two years since Operation Python Dance II, the Army is relaunching the exercise for a third time, code named, Operation Python Dance III. This time around, it will be conducted everywhere across all the six geo-political zones in the country.
During a flag-off ceremony on Friday, December 28, 2018, the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant-General Tukur Buratai, represented by the Army’s Chief of Training and Operations, Major-General Lamidi Adeosun, announced that the exercise would run from January 1 to February 28, 2019 as a fulfilment of the Army’s mandate to conduct internal security operations in the country to combat criminality and other security challenges.
More importantly, Maj.-Gen Adeosun noted that the exercise aims to ensure that law and order are maintained as the nation approaches the 2019 general elections.
Said he: “As the build up to the 2019 general elections gathers momentum, an upsurge of security challenges stockpiling of arms by criminal groups, formation of ethnic militias and violence induced by political activities has been observed”.
The question is, why does a military training exercise aimed at combating criminal activities across the country forebodes frightening possibilities? To begin with, public trust in the Nigerian Army is characteristically low.
For instance, during a series of protests by hundreds of members of the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN) in October, soldiers applied lethal force and opened fire on demonstrators, killing around 50 people and injuring dozens. Even though the Army only admitted to killing six while also claiming that soldiers acted with utmost responsibility, several video evidences of the clashes on social media had proved its claims to be largely false.
The Army’s conduct with those protesters and its conduct during Operation Python Dance II in the South- East and during many of its engagement with the civilian population do not exactly elicit confidence about a large-scale military operation in the country, especially during an election year.
Also, deploying troops to combat “an upsurge of security challenges”, even in parts of the country that are not troubled, begs for more convincing answers than preventing possible election-related troubles.
This is particularly puzzling since the Army has recently suffered damaging losses against terrorist group, Boko Haram, in the North-East region that has been troubled for nearly 10 years, with the group’s insurgency leaving tens of thousands dead and millions displaced.
Why is the Army broadly deploying a military operation to provide security in peaceful locations in the country when it could more properly focus attention on critical conflict zones like the North-East?
It is against this backdrop that The Tide thinks that the crux of the fears surrounding Operation Python Dance III rests squarely at the door of politics and could easily be a ploy by the ruling government to intimidate voters and rig the 2019 presidential election.
We say so because Nigeria is a democratic state and is not in a state of emergency that requires the militarisation of her electoral process.With President Muhammadu Buhari, a former military Head of State, at the helm, the military moves tend to be placed under more scrutiny than the usual; and Operation Python Dance III is one of such that should raise eyebrows.
Nigeria, as a democratic state, does not have an overwhelming security problem that should trigger a military operation on the scale of Operation Python Dance III and the fact that it covers the period of high-stakes elections already set to be contentious makes it all the more worrisome about what the motive and outcome might be. It is on that note that we say no to the exercise.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
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