Opinion
The Anti-Venom Crisis
In many countries of the world you hear people dying from some natural disasters like hurricane, tornadoes, earthquake, wild-fire outbreak, land- slide and other helpless occurrences.  Fortunately, here in Nigeria, apart from flooding, hardly do such calamities occur. Yet people die in their numbers everyday from all kinds of preventable circumstances.
Thousands of lives have been wasted over the years in various parts of the country due to the activities of the herdsmen. The latest is the clash between herdsmen and the people of Irigwe in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau State which claimed not fewer than 50 lives.
Can we count the numbers of people that have died and are still dying as a result of the terrorist act of Boko Haram and other sectional agitating groups in the country?  What of those whose lives were cut short following the recent operations of the military aimed at quelling insurgency and other criminal activities particularly in the South Eastern part of the country?
Many innocent lives are also being lost as a result of the growing insecurity in different parts of the country and outbreak of diseases like cholera which our hospitals most times shamefully lack the capacity to curtail. Indeed, Nigerians are dying  daily due to all manner of artificial factors.
Just a few days ago, a news report had it that about 250 people died in Plateau and Gombe states from snake bites within three weeks because there was no anti-snake venom to treat them.
According to the report, scores of snake-bite patients were lying helpless in critical conditions at three medical centres – General Hospital, Kaltungo; Ali Mega Pharmacy, Gombe and Comprehensive Medical Centre, Zamko, Plateau State. Some of the patients were said to be left on bare floor by doctors who said there was nothing they could do to help without anti-venom.
The report further revealed that the anti-venom drugs, Echitab Plus ICP polyvalent and Echitab G monovalent had not been supplied to Nigeria since August, after the last vials were used up in the first week of October.
Echitab Plus ICP, produced at Instituto Clodomiro Picado, University of Costa Rica, treats bites from all venomous snakes, while Echitab G, produced by Micropharm Ltd, United Kingdom, is solely for carpet viper bites.
The Managing Director, Echitab Study Group, representative of the two companies that produce the anti-snake-venom drug in Nigeria, Dr Nandul Durfa, was quoted as blaming the non-availability of the snake anti-venom on the “late placement of order for its production.”
Incidentally, instead of providing logical explanation on the shameful situation, government officials are busy disputing the obvious truth.
While the Plateau State Commissioner for Health, Kunden Kamshak, denied that anti-snake venom was not available in the state, the Minister of Health, Isaac Adewole, said there is abundance of stock of anti-snake venom in the country. He said if there was shortage of anti-snake venom in any state in Nigeria, it implied that the state in question had “refused to comply with the new procedure of request, hence their inability to access the product from the ministry”.
It is high time our leaders took the lives of the citizens more serious. Enough of all these avoidable deaths. Government should not have waited for the anti-venom drugs to dry up before placing an order for production, especially knowing that incidences of snake bite increase during the sowing and harvest seasons. Likewise, it is difficult to understand how anti-venoms will be in stock and people are allowed to die for mere bureaucratic procedures.
So, instead of resorting to blame games and denial, the relevant authorities should investigate the matter, and whoever is responsible for the scarcity of the drugs which led to the huge number of death be adequately punished to avoid this kind of national embarrassment in future.
Again, why are the snake anti-venom drugs not produced in Nigeria?  A recent report on the International Journal of Health Policy and Management indicates that only 46 anti-venom producers are struggling to meet the demand of 10 million anti-venom vials globally per year. What stops Nigeria from joining the anti-venom producing countries? Is it that we lack the technological know-how and financial capability required for the project?
Prioritizing the health of the nation will certainly do the country more good than spending billions of Naira on the purchase of cars for lawmakers and other unproductive ventures.
by: Calista Ezeaku.
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														Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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