Opinion
Rivers Creation And Genuine Agitation
No doubt, the history of mankind is replete with a plethora of genuine agitations. For instance, a pregnant woman under labour who is about to give birth does have genuine reason to agitate, scream and shout as a result of labour pains.
The civil rights movement in the United States of America was precipitated by the genuine agitations from the Afro-Americans, while the black majority in South Africa fought the apartheid regime before they regained freedom in 1994.
The Niger Delta region formerly known as Oil Rivers has had its own fair share of agitations to demand for justice, arising from the quest to deprive the people of the region, particularly the people of Nembe Kingdom, the proceeds of palm oil which was the main article of trade at the time.
Eminent Rivers men, Tamuno, T.N. and Alagoa, E.J. (1980) stated that a formal agreement was reached in 1856 between Nembe rulers and the British authorities to streamlise areas of cooperation.
The European traders were to pay fees to the Amanyanabo of Nembe upon entry to the rivers as well as respect domestic laws and customs. The leaders of Nembe Kingdom, on their part, were expected to protect the traders to facilitate collection of debts and also to serve as middlemen between the Europeans and the hinterland.
Unfortunately, the agreement was breached in 1879 when Sir George Goldie established the Africa National Company which later transformed to the Royal Niger Company with the engineering depot in Akasa, Nembe.
It was this unresolved economic crisis that made the people of Nembe, under King Frederick William Koko, who felt marginalized and neglected to invade the Royal Niger Company in Akasa, on 29th January, 1895. The Akasa Raid, as the invasion was popularly called, became the first known revolt against the authorities in the old Oil Rivers.
This is not to undermine the efforts of other distinguished leaders of the Oil Rivers such as King William Dappa Pepple of Bonny, King Jaja of Opobo, Nana Olomu of Itesekiri and Oba Ovonranwem of Benin Kingdom, who fought for justice at that time.
Experts agree that the famous Akasa Raid served as a source of inspiration for upcoming agitators and freedom fighters in the region. But one thing is clear; from pre-independence to post-independence Nigeria, the response to genuine agitations by the leadership had not been encouraging.
Speaking in an interview, Professor Emeritus, Ebiegberi Joe Alagoa, emphasized that the Akasa Raid was an inspiration to agitators such as the Ijaw Rivers People’s League founded in 1941 and Isaac Adaka Boro, among others.
Professor Ben Naanen (2002) on pages 341 to 350 of a book titled: “The Land and People of Rivers State: Eastern Niger Delta”, edited by Ebiegberi Alagoa and Abi Derefaka, posits that the Ijaw dominated Rivers People’s League was founded in 1941 with the main objective of removing Rivers territory from the Owerri province as a response to the emerging pattern of domination.
Professor Naanen further argues that, at the same time, similar agitations were also going on among non Ijaw Rivers people such as the Ogoni, the Ekpeye, the Etche and the Abua while the agitation itself climaxed into a petition addressed to the Governor-in-Council of Owerri and Calabar provinces.
It would be recalled that the Rivers Province was created in 1947 comprising Ahoada, Brass, Degema and Ogoni with Port Harcourt as its headquarters, arising from the combined agitations of the people. The creation of Rivers Province was, therefore, the first attempt at Rivers State creation before the actual creation on May 27, 1967.
Thus, the main platform for which Rivers State was created was that of genuine agitations by concerned elders, chiefs and leaders of the State, who include but not limited to Chief D. Davies Manuel, Chief Francis Alagoa, Chief J.R. Wilcox, Dappa Biriye, among others.
The essence of State demands then, was to engender the creation of political units to bring about a degree of ethnic and regional balance in the allocation of resources and power equation.
The climax of the efforts of founding fathers of Old Rivers State was encapsulated in the report called “Rivers State Memorandum” by Rivers Leaders of thought, which urged the Gowon administration to create Rivers State by decree and ratify later by constitutional process. The signatories to Rivers State memorandum were S.N. Dikibo as Chairman, E.N. Kobani representing Ogoni Division, Doctor I.J.M. Fiberesima representing Degema Division, R.P.G. Okara representing Brass Division, G.B.C. Otoko representing Opobo Division and N. Nwonodi for Ahoada & Port Harcourt Division.
Today, as Rivers people celebrate 50th Anniversary of the State creation, much is expected from the leadership of the state particularly in the area of good representation and tolerance, as it will be unfair to see divergent views and genuine agitations as voice of the opposition.
Our Golden Jubilee Anniversary should be used to reflect on calamities that befell the people of Umuechem in Etche Local Government Area who suffered humiliation and killing of their people for opposing toxic waste dump, and the Ogoni people who lost the cream of their statesmen for daring to challenge environmental degradation from petroleum exploration in their land.
Meanwhile, the state government should address the plights of workers, pensioners, the physically challenged and nip in the bud social ills in our State. Rivers people should know that the battle against marginalization is still on.
Sika is a Port Harcourt based journalist.
Baridorn Sika
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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