Opinion

2014 Rivers Budget: What The People Say

Published

12 years ago

January 27, 2014

The recent passage of the 2014 Rivers State Appro
priation Bill at the Government House by the state lawmakers raised a lot of dust. The various arguments were either for or against the passage of the budget outside the Hallowed chambers of the House of Assembly.
In the midst of claims and counterclaims as to the legality of the action, our assistant women, living and style Editor, Sogbeba Dokubo, went to town to find out what the people think of it. The followings are excerpts.

Dr Olomabo Gillis-Harry, Philosopher – Well, the budget was really timely. If you look at the doctrine of necessity, alongside what is being unfolded in the State, we know that what the law makers did was in consonance with the cry of the masses, the people of Rivers State.
This is because, without a direction, the year 2014 won’t be what we had expected it to be. Government has its duty to pay the salaries of workers and provide social amenities to the citizenry. When they delay, it will really lead to a situation whereby there will be lack of basic amenities. As I said earlier, the doctrine of necessity that was applied in this matter was really in order, and the place of the passing of the budget does not come in. The doctrine of necessity knows no law and cannot be subjected to law because it is the right thing to do, given the prevailing circumstance.
I believe the proceedings were taken and we know that before any budget is passed into law, there are processes and the due process was followed based on the prevailing circumstance. We really appreciate His Excellency, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Amaechi, for his fatherly role, not only in the State but Nigeria at large. If we have four or five of him in this country, we will see great change.

Mr. Barivule Akpo-Journalist- I believe that people should first think of knowing the administrative process of any organisation or government. I have never experienced situations where a State exists without a budget in any democratic system. Even in a State where emergency is being experienced or is the order of the day, there must be a budget.
Fundamentally, budget is a document that states the income, expenditure, projects and salaries of organisations and government. If the Assembly has been locked up and the legislative process has not been on for sometime, is it a good thing? It is definitely not what is expected of a State like Rivers where we are thinking of fast development, human capacity building, capital projects and the total welfare of the people, including civil servants.
You don’t spend from internally generated revenue. It is not legal anywhere to use internally generated revenue to pay workers’ salaries. The welfare of the entire civil servants of this State depends on the budget. So you can begin to imagine the fate of the civil servants if the budget is not passed. The budget, no doubt is an integral part of a government, if it must achieve anything meaningful.
It is, therefore, surprising for anyone to imagine that, because the budget was not passed in the assembly, it should be null and void.
Afterall, when renovation work started at the first House of Assembly, the Assembly was moved to the then Obi Wali Integrated Cultural Centre. In the same way, the Hallowed Chambers was under repair.
Also, during the passage of a bill, the essential things to note are whether key House officers are present and whether the procedure does not negate the constitution as well as the rules of the House.
Let me remind us that the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria permits the governor to operate on the previous budget that has been passed by the House six months into the new fiscal year. But even in the present circumstance, the government deemed it necessary to call all stakeholders to come together in order for due process to be followed. Simply put, he the governor is only being magnanimous. When are we, as Rivers people, going to sit and think of how we should develop our State? When are we going to talk about peace? In a state of acrimony, development cannot thrive.
On the whole, I think there is no problem with the passage of the budget, for the sake of the development of the State.

Mr. Godwin Akpan, Public Servant-My opinion is that if the action of the governor is not against any section of the constitution, and for the interest of the State, I think I support the action of the presentation of the budget and the House of Assembly in giving it a speedy passage.
I think, as a lay man, once you g et 2/3 majority of members supporting an action, the action stands. If according to reports, those that received the Bill and passed the budget were 23 in number, it means they were even more than the required 2/3 majority, so it is carried.

Ralph Afangide, legal practitioner-As far as I know, the budget is a legal document, it is just an economic instrument and so the legal requirement must be satisfied before the budget is passed into law. As far as I know, there are stages, processes that must be satisfied, like public hearing, committee sections, first reading, second reading, the commissioners. coming to defend their own sector.
If for instance they budget N12 billion for monorail, the commissioner for transport will be required to come and justify why N12 billion will be spent on monorail. All these requirements were not satisfied in the passage of the recent 2014 budget. What was done was a rubber-stamp: the governor went to the make-shift assembly, presented the budget, and there and then, it was passed the same day by voice vote. Those of the members that were there were APC members who were dancing to the whims and caprices of the governor, the so called anti-Amaechi law makers were not there. I know they will say that they formed a quorum, but if they had genuine intentions of passing this budget, they could have called everybody together and inform everybody of their intention. I don’t know if they passed circular to the other people, I’m not privy to that. But be that as it may, there is a very critical question that we must address, and that is the venue of the meeting in which the budget was passed, which was not the Rivers State House of Assembly. It was a make-shift arrangement in Government House, which means there is now no separation of power between the executive and the legislature.
There is a supreme court judgementconcerning Oyo State, when the Governor of that state was impeached, and the impeachment took place in an hotel room. The supreme court said no, this impeachment cannot stand. You must carry out the impeachment, if the required number of members are there, in the Hallowed chambers. So the question of saying that the doctrine of necessity will not allow us to sit does not arise at all.
When a matter is pending in court, parties must maintain the status quo, and the status quo is that they should not have gone to sit in any place. When they asked the federal house to take over the functions of the state house, did they not think of the doctrine of necessity? That is the question. In any case, that doctrine does not apply in this case and what they have done is that they have opened a can of worms, because the other lawmakers, who were not present in that sitting can decide to go to an hotel or any other place and sit and pass resolutions that may be adverse to the present administration. So this is a very bad precedent that they have set.
The way forward is that they should retrace their steps. As far as I’m concerned, that budget is not a budget in the eyes of the law. I learnt that the PDP is going to court to challenge the legality or otherwise of that budget. If that is done, it would set the financial situation in the State backward. It will therefore mean that salaries will not be paid, as projects may not be embarked upon. But this is a situation that could have been averted in the first instance. So it is the government of the day that invited this problems to themselves. It is a consequent of their action, so they have to face such consequences. The best thing for them to do in the present circumstance is that the stakeholders should all come together, forget about party line, and work as a team.

Godson Owhoji, legal practitioner-Firstly, let me say that whatever is worth doing is worth doing well. Yes there is need to pass the State budget to move the state forward. But it should be done in accordance with the constitution.
However, in this circumstance, what we call doctrine of necessity had not arisen for the House to begin to sit outside the Hallowed chambers.
The Appropriation Bill is one major law that is celebrated by the lawmakers. When such a bill is to be passed, it is usually done in a dignified manner.
For instance, when the Plateau State House of Assembly wanted to impeach their former Governor, the court was against the circumstance it was done and so did not support it and the impeachment could not hold. So in my personal view, the House sitting outside the legislative chambers to pass the appropriation bill amounting to about N485 billion in less than an hour amounts to a rape of democracy.
There are legislative procedures in the passage. I think we should condemn it. I am also of the opinion that the state should not be held to ransome. It will be better for the Governor, Rt. Hon Chibuike Amaechi to see how he can maintain peace.
If you think that he is working for the interest of Rivers people, there is need for the legislative arm of government to be functional.
Let me quickly also let you know. In Rivers today, the only arm of the government that is functional is the executive, and in all these crises within the judiciary and legislative arms, the executive arm is fingered. I think it is high time the executive governor began to look at the interest of Rivers State, knowing that the persons that have been accused have been working with him for years.
Under normal circumstance, there’s supposed to be checks and balances between the legislative and executive arms. But where this does not exist, and in a system where the legislative and the judiciary arms are paralysed, the Chief Executive can use his executive fiat to do what he likes, this is anti-democratic.
The executive governor as the chief security officer of the State has the responsibility to ensure peace in the state. In his first tenure, there was peace, but today, there is no chief judge, no House of Assembly, and no legislative arm. Now that the budget has been passed in Government House, will subsequent sittings hold in Government House? The Governor should invite all stakeholders and make peace. They can still come back. The executive governor should initiate this move.
The paramount thing is the interest of people living in the State and Rivers people.

Opinion

Ndifon’s Verdict and University Power Reform

Published

4 days ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”But beyond the courtroom victory lies a pressing question: What next? How do we ensure that Nigerian universities no longer serve as hunting grounds for predatory academics? How do we guarantee that students—especially young women—can pursue education without fear of victimization?”

The conviction of Professor Cyril Ndifon, suspended Dean of Law at the University of Calabar, to five years in prison by the Federal High Court Abuja, provided a rare moment of relief amid the week’s troubling national events. Beyond punishing one individual, the judgment signaled that accountability—especially regarding sexual harassment and abuse of power in Nigerian higher institutions—may finally be gaining traction. For years, many students, especially young women, have quietly endured intimidation, coercion, and the misuse of academic privilege. Reports and surveys have consistently shown the depth of this problem. A 2018 World Bank survey estimated that 70% of female graduates had faced some form of sexual harassment in school, while a Nigerian study recorded sexual violence as the most common form of gender-based violence on campuses.

Ndifon’s case has therefore become symbolic—challenging the belief that powerful academics can act with impunity. Justice James Omotosho’s ruling went beyond the conviction; it exposed the systemic rot that enables abuse. His description of Ndifon as a predator highlighted how institutions fail when they lack strong, independent structures for accountability. Although the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) proved its case beyond reasonable doubt, many similar cases never reach court because victims remain afraid, discouraged, or convinced that the system will not protect them. A major difference in this case was that a government agency fulfilled its responsibility rather than letting the matter fade, as often happens with campus scandals. Too often, allegations arise but internal committees stall, victims lose hope, and the accused quietly escape consequences.

This time, however, the judiciary refused to allow such evasion. The court’s decision to center the victims and dismiss attempts to discredit them set an important precedent at a time when survivors are often blamed or pressured into silence. Yet the bigger question remains: What next? How can Nigerian universities become safe spaces where students, particularly young women, can pursue education without fear? First, reporting systems must be overhauled. Traditional structures—where complaints pass through heads of departments or deans—are inadequate, especially when senior officers are the accused. Independent, gender-sensitive complaint bodies are essential. Some institutions, such as the University of Ibadan and Godfrey Okoye University, have already taken steps by establishing gender-mainstreaming units. Other universities must follow suit, ensuring confidentiality, protection from backlash, and transparent investigations.

Second, proven cases of harassment must attract real consequences—not quiet transfers or administrative warnings. Sexual exploitation is not a mere disciplinary issue; it is a crime and should be promptly escalated to law-enforcement agencies. Treating criminal behaviour as an internal matter only emboldens perpetrators. Third, students must feel safe to speak up. As a senior lecturer at the University of Abuja advised, silence fuels impunity. Students need to believe that justice is attainable and that they will be supported. This requires consistent sensitization efforts by student unions, civil society groups, gender advocacy organizations, and ministries of women affairs. New students, in particular, need early guidance to understand their rights and available support systems. The recent approval of the Sexual Harassment of Students (Prevention and Prohibition) Bill, 2025, prescribing up to 14 years imprisonment for educators convicted of harassment, is a step in the right direction.

Quick presidential assent and domestication by states will strengthen legal protection. As Nelson Mandela said, “A society that fails to protect its women cannot claim to be civilized.” This principle must guide Nigeria’s legislative and institutional reforms. The legal profession has its own soul-searching to do. Law faculties are expected to model ethics and justice. When a senior law academic betrays these values, the damage extends beyond the victims—it undermines confidence in both higher education and the justice system. The judiciary’s firm stance in this case therefore reinforces the idea that the law exists to protect the vulnerable, not shield the powerful. Yet, this moment should not end with celebration alone; it must ignite a broader institutional awakening. Universities must begin to review their staff appraisal systems to include behavioural ethics, not just academic output.

Governing councils should strengthen oversight mechanisms and ensure that disciplinary processes are free from internal politics. Alumni associations and parents’ forums can also play a monitoring role, demanding higher standards of conduct from staff and administrators. Importantly, the government must provide universities with the financial and technical support needed to establish functional gender desks, counselling units, and digital reporting platforms. Only when all stakeholders take ownership of the problem can lasting reform be achieved. Professor Ndifon’s sentencing represents justice for one victim, but it must inspire justice for many more. It should mark the beginning of a nationwide resolve to reclaim Nigerian universities from those who misuse authority. The future of education in this country must be shaped by knowledge, dignity, and integrity—not fear or manipulation. The judgment is a call to action: to build campuses where students are safe, where lecturers are held accountable, and where power is exercised with responsibility. Only then can Nigeria truly claim to be nurturing the leaders of tomorrow.

By: Calista Ezeaku

Opinion

As Nigeria’s Insecurity Rings Alarm

Published

4 days ago

November 24, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.”

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed an alarming evolution of insecurity that threatens not only the stability of the nation but also the broader West African region. Bandit attacks on schools, farms, mosques, and Christian worship centers have become distressingly commonplace, painting a grim picture of a country under siege from multiple fronts. The rise of kidnappings for ransom, coupled with the persistent threat of terrorism from groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, has ignited fears among communities and hampered economic activities. As neighboring Sahel countries grapple with coups and the spread of extremist ideologies, Nigeria finds itself at a precarious crossroads that demands urgent attention and action.

According to media tally, about 2,496 students have been abducted in 92 school attacks since the Chibok saga of 2014. And prompted by recent incidents in Kwara, Kebbi and Niger states, where hundreds of pupils were abducted, state governments across northern Nigeria are shutting down, or relocating schools. Even the federal government last week, via the Federal Ministry of Education hastily ordered principals of 41 unity schools across northern Nigeria, to shut-down.The increasing frequency and audacity of bandit attacks highlight a troubling trend in Nigeria’s security landscape. Schools, once seen as sanctuaries for learning, have become targets for kidnappers seeking to exploit vulnerable students. These attacks not only disrupt education but also instill fear in families, leading to mass withdrawals from schools. Should we raise a generation of children deprived of their right to education?

Similarly, farms and places of worship have not been spared. Communities that once thrived on agriculture and faith, now live in constant dread of violent incursions. The targeted killings of Christians and attacks on mosques further exacerbate religious tensions, threatening to disrupt the social fabric that holds Nigeria together.The situation is compounded by the unsettling developments in the Sahel region, where coups and the rise of jihadist groups have created a volatile environment. The spillover effects of this instability are palpable in Nigeria, as extremist ideologies proliferate and armed groups gain confidence. The porous borders of the region facilitate the movement of militants and weapons, making it increasingly difficult for Nigerian authorities to contain the threats. As Nigeria struggles to secure its territory, the consequences of failure become more pronounced, with the potential for a broader regional crisis looming on the horizon.

President Donald Trump’s designation of Nigeria a Country of Special Concern and further threats to intervene in countries experiencing religious persecution reflect a growing international concern regarding Nigeria’s deteriorating security situation.

While such attention can bring much-needed awareness to the plight of affected communities, it also underscores a significant truth: the responsibility for addressing these challenges ultimately lies with the Nigerian government. The inaction and apparent inability to protect citizens from violence and ensure justice for victims send a troubling message about the state’s commitment to safeguarding its populace. The economic ramifications of this evolving insecurity are dire. Foreign investment, a critical driver of economic growth, is deterred by the pervasive violence and instability.

Investors are wary of committing resources to a country where the risk of loss is heightened by kidnappings and attacks on businesses.Additionally, agricultural production suffers as farmers abandon their lands, fearing for their safety. The recent upsurge in insecurity coincides with a crucial harvest season, when farmers need to recoup investment to finance the next round. A decline in harvests this year would reverse recent gains of recovery in food production and exacerbate poverty, further straining the nation’s resources. Socially, the implications of failing to tackle insecurity are profound. Mistrust in government institutions grows as citizens witness a lack of effective response to violence and crime. This erosion of faith can lead to civil unrests, as frustrated populations demand accountability and action.

Moreover, the vulnerability of young people in conflict-affected areas increases the risk of radicalization, as they seek identity and purpose in extremist movements that exploit their disillusionment. The South-East crisis is peculiar in this regard. The evolving insecurity in Nigeria is not merely a national crisis; it poses a significant threat to regional stability and international interests. The convergence of banditry, terrorism, and political instability in the Sahel creates a complex security environment that requires a coordinated response. The Nigerian government, in partnership with regional allies and international partners, must adopt a comprehensive strategy that addresses the root causes of insecurity, strengthens law enforcement, and fosters community resilience.

It’s time Nigerians address all regional grievances with reconciliation and empathy, rather than with coercion. As citizens, civil society, and international stakeholders, it is crucial to advocate for effective policies that prioritize security, justice, development and inclusiveness. A collective effort is needed to ensure a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region. Ultimately, Nigeria stands at a critical juncture. The path forward demands decisive action to restore security, rebuild trust, and ensure that all citizens can live without fear. The time for complacency has passed; the stakes are too high, and the consequences of inaction are too grave. A collective effort is essential to navigate this challenging landscape and forge a safer, more stable future for Nigeria and the West African region.

By: Joseph Nwankwor

Opinion

The Girl Who Didn’t Dance

Published

1 week ago

November 19, 2025

The Tide

Quote:”

This piece is, primarily, the story of the girl who refused to dance during my first public performance as a pop musician. The event was the birthday party of Okechukwu Ogbowu at the residence of Chief Moses Nma Ogbowu at Omoku in February 1968. Secondarily, it is the story of a group of Ogba/Egbema youths who the chiefs considered rebellious and should, therefore, be watched very carefully. These two anecdotes are woven together by the story of my foray into music as a career in my youth. In 1958, I went on holidays to the home of my uncle Eze JNA Nwachuku at Ahoada. There, I heard a very strange music that tickled my preteen fancy to the point I started singing it using words I made up; I was eight. Back to Alinso Okeanu (Beach) after the holidays, the kids in the cosmopolitan community were wowed by my air and swag while singing the very strange song.

Years later, I learned the real words of the jazz classic “Hit the Road Jack” by Ray Charles. At fifteen, I was arraigned before a juvenile court in Omoku for singing a love song that contained the word “kiss” to the princess of Ogbaland at Ahia Orie market square; though discharged and acquitted, I was bound over to be of good behavior for six months. At sixteen, I got de-robed from the choir of St. Michael’s Church, Omoku for buying a guitar and audaciously changing my name from Enoch. At seventeen, I had my debut at Okechukwu’s birthday party where the girl, who is the primary focus of this piece, did not dance. During the party. I performed three songs: (1) “All My Loving” by The Beatles, which was the song that took me to the juvenile court, (2) “Midnight Hour” by Wilson “Wicked” Pickett and (3) “Please Don’t Tease” by Cliff Richard.

These songs are laden with amorous innuendos and have the words “kiss” and “love”, which were considered sacrilegious in those days. The veiled explicitness of Wicked Pickett’s lyricism didn’t help matters either; it added to the excitement, which became more palpable and the connection between crowd and artiste grew more profound, when Innocent Masi (now Dr. IA Masi mni) placed a five shillings note on my forehead. Everyone at the party virtually summersaulted on the dance floor, which was the interior balcony of Ogbowu’s house, the most beautiful house in Omoku then. The next day, the chiefs held an emergency meeting at the home of Chief S.O. Masi who was Commissioner of Onitsha Province during the First Republic; that province is now Anambra State. The single item on the agenda was the worrisome activities of the youths.

At the end of the meeting, a chief, whose name and the first book of the Gospels would tango smoothly to the rhythms and rhymes of poetry, threatened to shoot me if he ever saw me near his house with my jita. I perfectly understood his predicament; he had many pretty daughters. Poor fellow, unbeknownst to him, I was yet to know the difference between the birds and the bees. The next evening, Monday Wokocha (late Professor Addison), Gary Omo-Odi and I dared the chief in a daredevil episode that belongs in another narrative. He shot…in the air. That day, my parents seized my guitar and grounded me. Subsequently, my uncle Nwachuku whisked me off to Port Harcourt. Back to the party; yes, everyone at the party virtually summersaulted except a girl from Obite who didn’t step on the dance floor. She was slim, beautiful and quite tall for girls (even for boys) of that era; so, she stood very elegant.

Beyond the call-response greetings that characterize the socio-culture of the people of Ogba and Egbema, she was almost taciturn; she was shy and rarely spoke except when spoken to. However, she had a smile that lit up the environment as it contrasted with her ebony skin that glowed with the radiance of youth. I think Kamala Harris placed an order for that specific smile from the warehouse of the Divine on her way to this dimension. The girl who didn’t dance was Ngozi Elemele; daughter of Chief Samuel Elemele, a devout Christian, business man and highly patriotic Ogba man from Obite. Ngozi’s refusal (or was it inability?) to dance made us tease her that she has “two left legs” hence she couldn’t move them to the pulsating and compulsive rhythm of pop music. She just kept on smiling and that was an impregnable armor against our social arrows.

That calmness under relentless peer pressure earned her the moniker “Nwanjinwa” (Girl Nextdoor) amongst us; it contrasted with “Okoronwangbogbo”(prodigal son), which the vicar at St. Michael’s tagged me as he de-robed me from the choir. Those were the heady days of our lives. In 2024, a social commentator subjected the youths of Ogba/Egbema of that era to a critique. He observed that, irrespective of their youthful exuberance with a dose of mischief, that generation of Ogba/Egbema youths effectively took advantage of the ample educational opportunities provided by government immediately after the civil war. Also, he noted that that party produced four medical doctors, two lawyers, one architect, two general managers of parastatals, two chairmen of local government, three permanent secretaries, one head of service, three professors, and a deputy governor.

Concluding the analysis, the critic held that while many in the group held more than one position in the categorization, Ngozi Elemele, the girl who didn’t dance, held more top level public positions than the rest. She was Permanent Secretary, Commissioner, became Professor and is now Deputy Governor. Today, the Obite girl who didn’t dance at the party in 1968 is gracefully and elegantly waltzing at the center stage of Rivers State politics as Her Excellency, Prof Mrs. Ngozi Nma Odu DSSRS, the Deputy Governor of Rivers State. Her excellent performance in public office is a product of decades of fierce focus on the future, dedication and devotion to duty, resolute resilience, humility and simplicity; years spent climbing the arduous ladder of mainstream bureaucracy from Grade Level 08 to the apex of the pyramid, serving as Commissioner and thereafter venturing into the intellectually challenging trajectory of academics and also peaking at the apex of professorship and, eventually, clenching the coveted position of Deputy Governor of Rivers State.

Naturally, I was very delighted and humbled by the honor and privilege of being chairman of the occasion where Akabuka Community honored Her Excellency with a grand reception on October 25, 2025. It was very gratifying that her boss, His Excellency Sir Siminalaye Fubara GSSRS, supportively graced the occasion as Special Guest of Honor, a reflection of humility and simplicity in high profile office, which is uncommon in our society. Who says focus, determination, drive and hard work do not pay? They did then; they do now and they always will. Are the youths of today listening? “He that hath ears to hear, let him hear” (Matthew 11:15).

Akparikolamo!!!

By: Jason Osai