Opinion
RSUST: Need For A Truce
Recently, I saw a group of five students analyzing the on-going strike action embarked
upon by the Rivers State University of Science and Technology (RSUST) lecturers
against the re-appointment of Professor Barineme Fakae as the University’s Vice
Chancellor. From the argument, two of the students were in support of the
strike, two were against it, while the remaining one was neutral,
The first two took
side with the government. From their perspective, the State Governor, Rt Hon
Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, as visitor to the institution, has every right to
re-appoint Prof. Fakae, for a second term.
Their reason is simple. At no other time had there been
such improvement in both infrastructure
and academics in RSUST as it was during Fakae’s first tenure as Acting VC. The
closest to it, according to them, was when the school was elevated from the
status of College of Science and Technology in 1979.
Since then, the institution has remained a shadow of itself,
with the infrastructures taking a gradual but steady nosedive, until Fakae came
to the university’s rescue in 2009.
The present infrastructural and academic rejuvenation, the
safety learning environment and the relative absence of cult activities are key
points they used to buttress their argument. They also mentioned the
accreditation of all the faculties in the institution by the National
University Commission (NUC), and the 19th position of the institution among
other universities in the country as a great achievement, compared with the
school’s distant 76th position before Fakae assumed office.
On the other hand, the two pro-strike students argued that
Fakae was only able to record the current infrastructural development because
no other VC in the history of the school
had had the kind of financial allocation he got from the State government in
the last three years.
According to them, whatever achievements Fakae recorded was
the result of what they christened “full cooperation” of the State governor.
Their main grouse, however, is the way Fakae has turned the institution into a
family business, to the point that “virtually all the contracts” are awarded to
members of his family.
The cited the supply of diesel and the school’s Information
Communication Technology (ICT) system which produces such items as the scratch
cards students use to register and check their results, as examples.
The “lone ranger” among them, argued from a neutral and
unbiased perspective. To him, both arguments lacked objectivity and do not take
into cognizance the interest of the students.
This is the crux of the matter, as far as I am concerned.
And that should be the concern of anybody who means well for the corporate
image of the school.
Both parties who are for or against Fakae’s re-appointment
may have their points, but the two warring factions should know that rancour
would hardly yeild any good fruit.
In other words, it is not only the development of the
school’s infrastructure, nor who becomes the Vice chancellor, but also the
academic potentials of the students that should be the determining factors of
academic success of any institution.
It is from this light that any critical mind should question
the on-going examinations in the RSUST in the face of the lingering strike by
lecturers of the institution.
Since last Monday, students in the institution have started
their examinations. The question is, how can students write examinations when
their lecturers are still on strike? Who conduct the examinations and who would
assess the performances of these students?
How qualified would the students be in their various fields
when they finally graduated especially when they had not covered some essential
courses due to their lecturers strike? What then, will the National University
Community (NUC) and the rest of the academic
community think of the school’s products?
Going by this new development, it is obvious that both the
government and lecturers are prepared to
stick to their guns. This is unfair to students.
I expect both the striking students and the school
authorities to take a middle course for
the sake of the students and the school they claim to be fighting to reposition
for better academics.
While the government
may be required to overlook some of the excesses of the lecturers, the
lecturers too should also adopt a new method of registering their grievances in
a way that would not affect the academic career of the students. For the sake
of the students, the two warring factions should reach a compromise.
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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