Opinion
Wish Against Will
Permit me this week, to ruminate on the five-letter word that is so easy to pronounce yet so difficult to define. Power. This is obviously against the background of two events in Africa – Senegal and Mali in the last one week.
What is Power? Every dictionary I consulted ends with different, yet familiar meanings. Some dictionaries define power as a man’s control over others and activities. Some say it is the right or authority of a person or group to do something. Yet, many others reduce it to mere physical ability or strength.
In other words, power is equated with control, authority, ability, influence, energy, country (as in world powers) and even electricity as in supply of electricity.
It appears there is no clear cut definition, probably because power sounds abstract. Dele Omotunde’s definition, however seems to put that puzzle to rest, at least in the context of political power. Power, according to him, connotes “man’s influence over his fellow man, that is, his ability to effect actions and produce alterations in other people’s behaviour.
But Napoleon 1 was perhaps more concise by comparing power with a mistress. The late French Emperor said in a conversation with Pierre Louis Roederer in 1804, “power is my mistress. I have worked too hard in conquering her to allow anyone to take her from me or even to covet her”.
The mistress metaphor is very apt here. And whatever might have informed Napoleon’s statement two hundred and eight years ago seems to have infiltrated the brains of the 21st century political leaders.
Virtually every man woos power, covets her, protects her, guards her jealously, and keeps her, if possible, for ever.
Power is so tempting that only few men of power permit any flirtation with power by any rival. And any wink by anyone at their lovely mistress is equivalent of a coup or what Ray Ekpu calls “venal sin which must be met with muscular reaction”.
But again, many philosophers and writers tend to convince us that there is nothing in power. For example, Anthony Sampson, in his book, “The New Anatomy of Britain”, equates power with “a dead sea fruit, when you achieve it, there’s nothing there”. But how come many men struggle to acquire power at all cost, and keep it, if possible, for ever? May be there is something in that dead sea fruit Sampson and the rest of us who have not tasted power do not see or feel.
How else could one explain the ambitions of many consummate weilders of power such as Adolf Hitler of Germany, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, Fidel Castro of Cuba, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Eyadema Gnassingbe of Togo, Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast and our own Sanni Abacha, and if you like, add IBB and OBJ, who did everything humanly possible to remain eternal weilders of power. Never mind that a good chunk of these men of power come from Africa.
There are still others in the world today who have been clinging to power for many decades, yet not in a hurry to leave power. Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has been there for 32 years; 78-year old Paul Biya of Cameroon for 30 years; Yoweri Museveni of Uganda for 26 years and King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand for 63 years. The list is endless.
Men of power often forget, or better still, ignore the fact that no single person has an absolute monopoly of power; no single person holds power for ever. If you are in doubt, how many men of power have the United States or USSR produced? Five? Ten? Twenty? See, you are scratching your head, lost at their count.
Recently, Abdoulaye Wade, the once popular Senegalese President tried to renew his mandate for the third term after ruling for 12 years. He did everything he could to have his way, including going for the jugular of the opposition and even his country’s constitution. But Wade becomes the butt of his ambition’s ribald joke. The Senegalese dumped him, on Sunday, for his protégé and former Prime Minister, Macky Sall. This goes to say that, it is the people’s will and not the rulers’ wish that will surely prevail.
One wonders what a 85-year old man still wants in power after 12 years in office. Is it money? It can’t be, for he had all the chances in the last 12 years to loot his country dry if he had wanted. Is it women? Certainly not, for the defeated Senegalese president had all the paraphernalia of power to acquire as many as possible. Or is it for the love of his country? May be not. Or what ideas, what wisdom, what contributions still flow from the brain and vein of the 85-year old man? Power, certainly, it is.
Power is like an aphrodisiac, it enchants; like alcohol, it intoxicates. It is the same ambition to acquire power at all cost that made some young military officers vote with their guns in Mali, last Thursday.
One would have expected Wade at his age to play the statesman like Mandela. Mandela had every opportunity to go for second-term and even longer. But he chose the path of wisdom. For that singular act, Mandela today bestrides South Africa and the world at large like a colossus.
The question is: What is in that power that Mandela resisted that others could not?Power! The envy of all.
Boye Salau
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
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