Opinion
Wish Against Will
Permit me this week, to ruminate on the five-letter word that is so easy to pronounce yet so difficult to define. Power. This is obviously against the background of two events in Africa – Senegal and Mali in the last one week.
What is Power? Every dictionary I consulted ends with different, yet familiar meanings. Some dictionaries define power as a man’s control over others and activities. Some say it is the right or authority of a person or group to do something. Yet, many others reduce it to mere physical ability or strength.
In other words, power is equated with control, authority, ability, influence, energy, country (as in world powers) and even electricity as in supply of electricity.
It appears there is no clear cut definition, probably because power sounds abstract. Dele Omotunde’s definition, however seems to put that puzzle to rest, at least in the context of political power. Power, according to him, connotes “man’s influence over his fellow man, that is, his ability to effect actions and produce alterations in other people’s behaviour.
But Napoleon 1 was perhaps more concise by comparing power with a mistress. The late French Emperor said in a conversation with Pierre Louis Roederer in 1804, “power is my mistress. I have worked too hard in conquering her to allow anyone to take her from me or even to covet her”.
The mistress metaphor is very apt here. And whatever might have informed Napoleon’s statement two hundred and eight years ago seems to have infiltrated the brains of the 21st century political leaders.
Virtually every man woos power, covets her, protects her, guards her jealously, and keeps her, if possible, for ever.
Power is so tempting that only few men of power permit any flirtation with power by any rival. And any wink by anyone at their lovely mistress is equivalent of a coup or what Ray Ekpu calls “venal sin which must be met with muscular reaction”.
But again, many philosophers and writers tend to convince us that there is nothing in power. For example, Anthony Sampson, in his book, “The New Anatomy of Britain”, equates power with “a dead sea fruit, when you achieve it, there’s nothing there”. But how come many men struggle to acquire power at all cost, and keep it, if possible, for ever? May be there is something in that dead sea fruit Sampson and the rest of us who have not tasted power do not see or feel.
How else could one explain the ambitions of many consummate weilders of power such as Adolf Hitler of Germany, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, Fidel Castro of Cuba, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Eyadema Gnassingbe of Togo, Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast and our own Sanni Abacha, and if you like, add IBB and OBJ, who did everything humanly possible to remain eternal weilders of power. Never mind that a good chunk of these men of power come from Africa.
There are still others in the world today who have been clinging to power for many decades, yet not in a hurry to leave power. Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has been there for 32 years; 78-year old Paul Biya of Cameroon for 30 years; Yoweri Museveni of Uganda for 26 years and King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand for 63 years. The list is endless.
Men of power often forget, or better still, ignore the fact that no single person has an absolute monopoly of power; no single person holds power for ever. If you are in doubt, how many men of power have the United States or USSR produced? Five? Ten? Twenty? See, you are scratching your head, lost at their count.
Recently, Abdoulaye Wade, the once popular Senegalese President tried to renew his mandate for the third term after ruling for 12 years. He did everything he could to have his way, including going for the jugular of the opposition and even his country’s constitution. But Wade becomes the butt of his ambition’s ribald joke. The Senegalese dumped him, on Sunday, for his protégé and former Prime Minister, Macky Sall. This goes to say that, it is the people’s will and not the rulers’ wish that will surely prevail.
One wonders what a 85-year old man still wants in power after 12 years in office. Is it money? It can’t be, for he had all the chances in the last 12 years to loot his country dry if he had wanted. Is it women? Certainly not, for the defeated Senegalese president had all the paraphernalia of power to acquire as many as possible. Or is it for the love of his country? May be not. Or what ideas, what wisdom, what contributions still flow from the brain and vein of the 85-year old man? Power, certainly, it is.
Power is like an aphrodisiac, it enchants; like alcohol, it intoxicates. It is the same ambition to acquire power at all cost that made some young military officers vote with their guns in Mali, last Thursday.
One would have expected Wade at his age to play the statesman like Mandela. Mandela had every opportunity to go for second-term and even longer. But he chose the path of wisdom. For that singular act, Mandela today bestrides South Africa and the world at large like a colossus.
The question is: What is in that power that Mandela resisted that others could not?Power! The envy of all.
Boye Salau
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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