Opinion
Any Use For Post – UME Tests?
The recent decision by the upper chamber of the National Assembly to investigate all universities conducting Post University Matriculation Examination (UME) tests in the country has generated a lot of arguments.
The senate and those in support of scrapping of post – UME tests have argued that the test is absolutely unnecessary. They opined that post-UME test is merely an avenue for higher institutions to make huge money at the expense of parents and the candidates.
They also argued that since the Joint Admission and Matriculation Board (JAMB) was created and charged with the responsibility of conducting examinations for entry into all universities, polytechnics and colleges of education in the country, there was no need authorising higher institutions to subject candidates to other series of examinations for the same admission. They maintained that these tests and interviews are of grave costs to parents and guardians and also render JAMB irrelevant.
On the other hand, some people, especially the educationists have argued that the scrapping of post-UME tests will further worsen the poor standard of education in Nigeria as JAMB would continue to fill the ivory towers with low brains.
They said post-UME tests were introduced due to lack of validity with regards to examinations that JAMB had conducted over the time.
Both sides indeed have solid points to back their arguments. But as the controversy over the post-UME tests rages, it will be necessary for some important questions to be asked. Is it fair to Nigerian children to be subjected to two examinations for one admission? Is the scrapping of JAMB or post-UME test the utmost solution to poor standard of education in Nigeria?
A recent recruitment examination conducted by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) recorded abysmal failure as 50% of the applicants who were mainly first class and 2nd class upper graduates failed the examination. Were these not some of the so called best brains that gained admission into the universities through JAMB and Post-UME exams? Why really, the duplication of university admission examinations?
I strongly believe that one admission examination is what we need. It is JAMB is strenghtened to conduct examinations that have validity or scrap JAMB and allow universities to conduct admission exams.
We also have to remember that the image and output of JAMB got battered not necessarily because of problems coming from JAMB only but because of other societal issues.
We live in a society where non-university graduates are regarded as second-class citizens, a society that believes so much in paper qualification not minding whether the holder of such qualification can defend it or not. Nigeria is a country where little or nothing is done to promote functional, skill-based education which adds value to the nation. Nigerian parents are ready to engage in any fraudulent act to ensure that their children gain admission into the university. And school owners, particularly private school owners, go to any length to rig examinations to prove that their schools are the best academically, thereby attracting more patronage.
So we need to have a very serious re-orientation programme in Nigeria for people to be able to understand that it is not all about certificate. People need to know that they can be what they want to be without being to the four walls of university. That will reduce the crave for university education and also enable universities to admit the number of students that their capacities can carry.
This is because over-utilisation of facilities in the universities has contributed in no small measure to exam malpractices in Nigeria. A classroom meant for 50 students, now takes over 200 students. So, with the poor sitting arrangement, there is bound to be copying, cheating and other exam malpractice.
So, as the Senate Committee on Education embarks on the investigation, there is need for then to look at the issue from different angles so as to be able to come up with a balanced report that will help our educational system to develop when implemented.
Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion
Fuel Subsidy Removal and the Economic Implications for Nigerians
From all indications, Nigeria possesses enough human and material resources to become a true economic powerhouse in Africa. According to the National Population Commission (NPC, 2023), the country’s population has grown steadily within the last decade, presently standing at about 220 million people—mostly young, vibrant, and innovative. Nigeria also remains the sixth-largest oil producer in the world, with enormous reserves of gas, fertile agricultural land, and human capital.
Yet, despite this enormous potential, the country continues to grapple with underdevelopment, poverty, unemployment, and insecurity. Recent data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS, 2023) show that about 129 million Nigerians currently live below the poverty line. Most families can no longer afford basic necessities, even as the government continues to project a rosy economic picture.
The Subsidy Question
The removal of fuel subsidy in 2023 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been one of the most controversial policy decisions in Nigeria’s recent history. According to the president, subsidy removal was designed to reduce fiscal burden, unify the foreign exchange rate, attract investment, curb inflation, and discourage excessive government borrowing.
While these objectives are theoretically sound, the reality for ordinary Nigerians has been severe hardship. Fuel prices more than tripled, transportation costs surged, and food inflation—already high—rose above 30% (NBS, 2023). The World Bank (2023) estimates that an additional 7.1 million Nigerians were pushed into poverty after subsidy removal.
A Critical Economic View
As an economist, I argue that the problem was not subsidy removal itself—which was inevitable—but the timing, sequencing, and structural gaps in Nigeria’s implementation.
- Structural Miscalculation
Nigeria’s four state-owned refineries remain nonfunctional. By removing subsidies without local refining capacity, the government exposed the economy to import-price pass-through effects—where global oil price shocks translate directly into domestic inflation. This was not just a timing issue but a fundamental policy miscalculation.
- Neglect of Social Safety Nets
Countries like Indonesia (2005) and Ghana (2005) removed subsidies successfully only after introducing cash transfers, transport vouchers, and food subsidies for the poor (World Bank, 2005). Nigeria, however, implemented removal abruptly, shifting the fiscal burden directly onto households without protection.
- Failure to Secure Food and Energy Alternatives
Fuel subsidy removal amplified existing weaknesses in agriculture and energy. Instead of sequencing reforms, government left Nigerians without refinery capacity, renewable energy alternatives, or mechanized agricultural productivity—all of which could have cushioned the shock.
Political and Public Concerns
Prominent leaders have echoed these concerns. Mr. Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, described the subsidy removal as “good but wrongly timed.” Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party also faulted the government’s hasty approach. Human rights activists like Obodoekwe Stive stressed that refineries should have been made functional first, to reduce the suffering of citizens.
This is not just political rhetoric—it reflects a widespread economic reality. When inflation climbs above 30%, when purchasing power collapses, and when households cannot meet basic needs, the promise of reform becomes overshadowed by social pain.
Broader Implications
The consequences of this policy are multidimensional:
- Inflationary Pressures – Food inflation above 30% has made nutrition unaffordable for many households.
- Rising Poverty – 7.1 million Nigerians have been newly pushed into poverty (World Bank, 2023).
- Middle-Class Erosion – Rising transport, rent, and healthcare costs are squeezing household incomes.
- Debt Concerns – Despite promises, government borrowing has continued, raising sustainability questions.
- Public Distrust – When government promises savings but citizens feel only pain, trust in leadership erodes.
In effect, subsidy removal without structural readiness has widened inequality and eroded social stability.
Missed Opportunities
Nigeria’s leaders had the chance to approach subsidy removal differently:
- Refinery Rehabilitation – Ensuring local refining to reduce exposure to global oil price shocks.
- Renewable Energy Investment – Diversifying energy through solar, hydro, and wind to reduce reliance on imported petroleum.
- Agricultural Productivity – Mechanization, irrigation, and smallholder financing could have boosted food supply and stabilized prices.
- Social Safety Nets – Conditional cash transfers, food vouchers, and transport subsidies could have protected the most vulnerable.
Instead, reform came abruptly, leaving citizens to absorb all the pain while waiting for theoretical long-term benefits.
Conclusion: Reform With a Human Face
Fuel subsidy removal was inevitable, but Nigeria’s approach has worsened hardship for millions. True reform must go beyond fiscal savings to protect citizens.
Economic policy is not judged only by its efficiency but by its humanity. A well-sequenced reform could have balanced fiscal responsibility with equity, ensuring that ordinary Nigerians were not crushed under the weight of sudden change.
Nigeria has the resources, population, and resilience to lead Africa’s economy. But leadership requires foresight. It requires policies that are inclusive, humane, and strategically sequenced.
Reform without equity is displacement of poverty, not development. If Nigeria truly seeks progress, its policies must wear a human face.
References
- National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). (2023). Poverty and Inequality Report. Abuja.
- National Population Commission (NPC). (2023). Population Estimates. Abuja.
- World Bank. (2023). Nigeria Development Update. Washington, DC.
- World Bank. (2005). Fuel Subsidy Reforms: Lessons from Indonesia and Ghana. Washington, DC.
- OPEC. (2023). Annual Statistical Bulletin. Vienna.
By: Amarachi Amaugo
