Opinion
If Not Jonathan, Who Else?
The fallen man remains what he is and may not change, even in a life-time.
Nigeria’s October 1, 2010 50th Independence Anniversary celebration bomb blasts that sent about twelve people to their early graves, and leaving several others captivated by the pleasant euphoria of the celebration, under various degrees of injuries, further lends credence to the saying that evil is the pre-occupation of the wicked.
It is worth – stating that no reason is so cogent and compelling to instigate a bomb blast with a resultant loss of lives of unsuspecting and innocent Nigerians of such magnitude at a time when Nigeria is playing host to several African and world leaders on her Independence Day.
When the sanctity of human life is compromised for any reason, then our society is gradually but certainly tottering on the brink of catastrophe. I hold the view that nobody has the power to deliberately take the life of another extra-judicially.
Therefore, the Independence Day blasts, purportedly associated to the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) at a time when about 2,150 ex-militants are undergoing reintegration and rehabilitation programmes at the behest of the Federal Government, is to say the least dastardly, callous, devilish, and of course, alien to the spirit and letter of the Niger Delta struggle.
In my considered view, the action of the malefactor (s) who at best are deviants, dissidents and mere political turn-coats, is tantamount to treasonable felony, a declaration of war against the Federal Government. This is why security operatives in the country should be dispassionate to be able unearth all those directly and indirectly responsible for this action.
The fact that ex-militant leaders and prosecutors of the MEND cause met with President Goodluck Jonathan last Tuesday in Abuja and denied involvement in the act, reveals that there is more to the incident than meets the eye.
In fact, the primordial sentiment expressed by some opposition elements to President Jonathan’s 2011 presidential ambition that he should resign or the National Assembly should initiate impeachment proceedings against him, seems to bring to fore that some faceless politicians intended to use the gory incident to make an un-historic mark to their hurt.
Agreed there were security lapses that needed to be redressed, especially against the background of security operatives’ inability to stem the ugly trend when speculations and premonition of the act, were rife.
But to use the blast as a parameter to determine the suitability of God’s gift, President Jonathan, to pilot the affairs of Nigeria and vie for Presidency in the 2011 presidential election, is a gross misjudgement and fallacious.
Indeed, under the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua/Goodluck Jonathan, and now, President Goodluck Jonathan/Namadi Sambo Federal Government’s amnesty programme, there has been indubitable calm in the Niger Delta region so much so that Nigeria now impresses on the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) the need to increase her daily export capacity.
It is obvious that consequent upon the grant of amnesty to the ex-militants, oil production has peaked as oil companies carried out their duties unmolested. Night life has returned to some volatile areas of core Niger Delta states, while ex-militants are also being reintegrated into the society.
I believe that the Federal Government under President Jonathan is not lax or complacent in embarking on infrastructural development of the Niger Delta. It is also far from truth that the President Jonathan’s Federal Government is using ex-militants’ welfare scheme as smokescreen to circumvent the development of the Niger Delta. After all, the basis of development is manpower, and if the man is developed, the city is developed.
It is not saying a new thing that the Niger Delta quagmire is as old as Nigeria’s independence, occasioned by neglect by past administrations. Therefore, to expect a one- swoop overhaul of the rot by President Jonathan, who incidentally is a Niger Deltan, is to fall prey to the fallacy of hasty conclusion; it smacks of unfairness to the president.
This is why a Port Harcourt-based social commentator’s uncomplimentary remarks on Africa Independent Television (AIT) ‘Kakaki’ interview that, Jonathan’s Presidency is not on “merit and that the Niger Deltans’ support for President Jonathan’s presidential bid is based on “filial love”, leaves a bad taste in the mouth.
It beats me hollow what the Kalabari-born analyst meant by “merit”. What is his yardstick for determining merit? What extra pre-requisite outside the dictates of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, does he want Jonathan to possess before he could “merit” the seat of president of Nigeria or the support of the Niger Deltans?
Could it be that his canon for merit is ethnic or religious background? Is it that Jonathan is from Otueke, a small Ogbia community in the minority Ijaw extraction in the Niger Delta region that has influenced his judgement on merit for the Presidency?
Could it be because President Jonathan is not from the Hausa/Fulani oligarchy that his aspiration for Presidency is not on merit? Or could it be that Jonathan has heeded the clarion call of Nigerians to vie for the Presidency on the platform of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the 2011 elections against the Northern aspirants such as Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, Atiku Abubakar, Aliyu Gusau, and Bukola Saraki (all from the privileged North), that is why his Presidency is not on merit?
Is President Jonathan obligated to uphold the constitution of a party when certain provisions conflict with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria which section 1, part 1 says, it is supreme.
Besides, President Jonathan swore on oath to uphold the Constitution of Nigeria, as the only supreme legal framework for national administration. It is pertinent to state that even the proponents of and vanguards for zoning have not kept faith with the principle of that arrangement which the ruling party – PDP – enshrined in her constitution.
It is pubic knowledge that the PDP constitution pre-dated the election of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. But during the party’s presidential primaries that eventually saw Chief Obasanjo as the two-term presidential candidate of PDP during the 1998 and 2003 primaries, some politicians from the North also aspired even when the Presidency was zoned to the South under the PDP’s in-house arrangement.
This is not the time to feign patriotism. It is not time to project parochial interest. This is time to stand for reality. And the reality is the paradigm shift of the nation’s leadership from the cabal, whose repressive regimes have plunged this nation to the abysmal turpitude and calamities (in all ramifications) we found ourselves in.
Should we recycle the same old politicians who did not believe in democracy eighteen years ago? These are people who could not raise the hopes of Nigerians on the emergence of democratic governance eighteen years ago. They did not believe in it! What about the losses from the truncated democratic dispensations? They truncated democracy on December 31, 1983, and again, the June 12, 1993, democratic renaissance, they trampled underfoot. Today, they are now democrats, and believe in democracy more than those who worked for and nurtured it. Deceivers!
If these men with such anti-democracy antecedents, whom Nigerians have tested and found to lack the pedigree to pilot the affairs of the nation again, are those that ‘merit’ Presidency and not President Jonathan, then Nigerians are quick to forget where they are coming from, and risk making any headway.
Igbiki Benibo
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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