Opinion
Begging The Unemployment Question
It goes without saying that one of the impedments to the socio-economic development of the Nigerian nation is the ever-increasing rate of unemployment. Since attainment of independence in 1960, the optimistic predictions about the ability of the modern industrial sector of the country to absorb the increasing number of urban unemployed and rural underemployed labour force have not been realised. In spite of the minimally noticed unemployment in the country in the early 1960s, one of the national objectives of the first National Development Plan was to develop as rapidly as possible, opportunities in education, health, and other sectors for creation of more jobs. But unfortunately the incidence of unemployment in the country has grown deeper and become widespread, cutting across all strata and geographical entities. A great number of those unemployed are mostly secondary school leavers and university graduates. As indicated in a publication titled “Productivity and Unemployment in Nigeria”, by Mike I. Obadan and Ayodele F. Odusola, as at 1996, an annual average of about 2.8 million fresh graduates enter the Nigerian labour market, with only about 10 per cent of them getting employment. Certainly, the situation is worse now.
The open urban unemployment only reveals the visible aspects of the unemployment problem in the country. The actual underutilisation of labour takes many other forms including various manifestations of underemployment and hidden unemployment. Thus to get a full understanding of the significance of unemployment problem in the country, we must also take into account, in addition to the open unemployed, those larger numbers of others who may be visibly active, but in economic sense are grossly underutilised. They include the hawkers who work all day in order to sell uneconomic quantilities of foreign and domestic products in our big cities. They include those who are engaged in second choice employment activities primarily because job opportunities are not available at the levels of education which they have attained. And they include farm labourers who are idle after the planting season and the construction company workers who are laid off during the rainy season.
Generally, underemployment rates are higher in the rural areas than the urban centres, and also higher among the females than the males.
Both unemployment and underemployment constitute a serious constraint to the economic progress of any nation. In fact they represent an obvious waste of the nation’s manpower resources.
In Nigeria, it is difficult to ascertain or quantify the waste because, in the absence of reliable statistical data, nobody is certain of the exact number of persons currently out of work. Statistics of the labour force, of persons employed, of employment and underemployment, and of vacant positions are scanty and in many cases non-existent in the local government councils, and the relevant ministries or departments both at the state and federal levels.
Several factors have been linked with the unemployment or underemployment dilemma facing the country. Popular among them are labour migration from rural to urban centres, high population growth rate, influx of foreigners from neighbouring countries, and faulty educational system which does not prepare its products for gainful employment.
But the most critical factor, and most neglected is the limited labour absorptive capacity of the country. As pointed out by the Professor of Economics and International Affairs, W. Arthur Lewis in his book titled Some Aspects of Economic Development: “One major difference between the United States and the underdeveloped countries is the apparently unlimited American capacity to absorb the products of schools”. Thirty eight years ago when only 15 percent of Americans obtained bachelor’s degrees, the people were afraid that they would not all find what to do. But as the number accelerated surprisingly, there was no surplus in the labour market. The American economy was elastic enough to absorb the increased number that the schools turned out.
The problem with Nigeria in terms of employment capacity is that the number of jobs for university and polytechnic graduates in physics, chemistry, biology, mathematics, arts, social sciences, engineering, or some other professions are few. Consequently, as the number of graduates increases, the surplus goes into administration and other areas to do the jobs which can be satisfactorily handled by secondary school leavers. In the end, a large proportion of those who have acquired specialised training do not use it.
So as the Minister of Labour and Productivity, Chief Emeka Wogu, promises the mass of unemployed Nigerians job opportunities in the days ahead, he should first of all initiate policies and programmes that will aid our educational system to produce creative and practical men and women who can adapt to changing job patterns.
But above all, government in collaboration with the private sector should expand the absorptive capacity for the country’s school products – primary and secondary school leavers and university and polytechnic graduates.
This is to say that Nigerian governments at all levels should give greater priority to labour-intensive projects. With the country’s abundant labour force, there is the need for industrial establishments to employ techniques of production that will guarantee a fairly large employment of labour.
Besides, rural development programme should be given priority attention. Such programmes should include agricultural development, expansion of food processing industries and small scale industries, provision of rural access roads, and other basic infrastructural facilities. These strategies can contribute immensely to gainful employment of the rural populace. And indeed, concerted efforts should be made in the area of data collection and information gathering on labour force and the labour market in the country. Absence of such vital information makes it difficult to carry out effective planning in the labour sector.
Vincent Ochonma
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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