Opinion
Banditry: Matter For Matawalle
Alhaji Mohammed Bello Matawalle is the Governor of Zamfara State. He came to power in 2019 carrying the symbolic umbrella of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state. His election benefited hugely from the self-destructive internal squabble of the immediate past All Progressives Congress (APC) state administration led by Abdulaziz Yari.
Barely two years after being in the saddle, Matawalle was reported to have picked up a broom and switched allegiance to the APC. But what did not change for him was the need to tackle the growing menaces of banditry, kidnapping and animal rustling in Zamfara and, by extension, the North West zone of Nigeria. In fact, the state is now described as the new epicentre of these criminal activities after Katsina wore that toga about two years back.
Recall that the state government once ordered the halting of livestock transportation beyond the state’s borders. It also closed all weekly markets and illegal motor parks in the state. Trucks and other vehicles conveying food items into the state were subjected to verification.
Following the incessant abduction of school children for ransom, the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) had early last month ordered a two week shutdown of all telecoms network services throughout Zamfara State. This was extended into its neighbouring 13 and 14 local council areas in Katsina and Sokoto States, respectively. Kaduna is another state that has adopted the networks shutdown measure. The idea was to cut off any communication between the criminals, especially as it relates to leakage of information on military movements, co-ordination of criminal attacks and escape plans.
Earlier, in March, the federal government had banned all mining activities and declared a no-fly zone over Zamfara as the Nigerian Air Force and ground troops launched a massive attack on bandits in the area which, according to Defence sources, forced most of the criminals to flee and scatter.
The NCC intervention was only the replay of a strategy used in 2013 when the military requested a suspension of telephone and telecoms services to enable them effectively engage Boko Haram terrorists in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe States. But in spite of the effort, the insurgents are still holding sway in the North East, especially having been joined by jihadists from their affiliate Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).
In any case, I want to believe that the North East experiment yielded positive results; hence the government’s acceptance of its replication elsewhere. It should not just result in forcing the criminals to continue to relocate from one locality or state to the other. Again, it is worrisome that the current state of the Nigerian economy is already taking people six feet down such that nothing in the form of these extreme measures should be contemplated in the first place, talk less of being allowed to last any longer than necessary.
Truth is that some citizens in these troubled areas are caught between dying in the hands of bandits and suffering the excruciating economic pains they are now being subjected to endure under the new emergency measures. For them, there is no communication with the outside world, medical help is far to reach, food supply dwindles, prices of items have tripled where and when such are available, no banking services, no schooling for children, and general restriction of movement.
From the foregoing, it would appear as though the government in Gusau was doing everything within its power to identify and root out bandits and other criminal elements in the state. It is against this backdrop that one found disturbing a recent news report which seemed to suggest that the Matawalle administration was not serious with exposing bandits and their sponsors in the North West state.
According to the report, it would soon be two years since a panel set up by the state government to investigate the activities of bandits, kidnappers and cattle rustlers in the state submitted its findings, yet the administration had been reluctant to raise a white paper on its recommendations and possibly prosecute those indicted.
The source said that the 279-page panel report had mentioned two former governors of the state, 10 military officers and 15 emirs as being culpable in the crimes. In other words, these individuals allegedly colluded with criminals to kidnap, collect ransom or even kill their victims.
The panel held that 6,319 persons were arbitrarily and willfully killed; 3,672 kidnapped; N2.8 billion paid as ransom; 6,483 widows and 25,050 orphans left behind by slain victims. It also stated that 215,241 cows, 1,487 motor vehicles and motorcycles burnt. The report went further to reveal that the bandits operated 105 camps from which they launched their deadly attacks.
So far, the only action the governor has been credited with regarding the implementation of the panel’s recommendations was his suspension of the traditional rulers of Maru, Dansadau and Zurmi in a broadcast to mark this year’s Democracy Day on June 12.
If the figures stated above were compiled about two years ago, then one can imagine what the statistics would look like today. It beats me as to why Matawalle would single out only three emirs for punishment and remain mute over the fate of the rest suspects in the report.
The governor’s apparent inaction can only mean that his administration will continue to chase shadows while churning out executive orders that leave the hapless residents of Zamfara suffering the more. The federal government cannot even be called upon to take up the matter because the authorities in Abuja are also guilty of kid-glove treatment of Boko Haram sponsors and collaborators.
While the bandits sack villages and massacre people in their tens and hundreds, our military successes have come in fits and starts; often in the form of neutralising two or three armed bandits and allowing for as many as twenty to escape.
With the damning nature of the Zamfara report, I still wonder why the other besieged states in the region have not set up similar investigative panels. Surely, Matawalle needs to lead them on by carrying out full implementation of his panel’s recommendations.
By: Ibelema Jumbo
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Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
