Editorial
Insecurity: Before Nigeria Is Consumed
For many Nigerian citizens, a disturbing outbreak of violent crimes has become the stark reality of
life. From North to South, East to West, the country, once a sanctuary of peaceful coexistence, has transmogrified rapidly into a territory of annihilation. In the first 10 weeks of 2018, there were 591 vicious deaths in the North-East, 270 casualties were recorded in the North-Central and 193 in the North-West.
Of greater disquietude is Nigeria’s fragile security system, which, as currently fudged together, cannot secure the citizens. Certainly, prospects of traversing the gap between the North and the South will remain overly difficult if the nation does not rescue itself. The Federal Government should be bothered about its loss of coercive powers to criminals and quickly roll out techniques to advance the existing state of affairs.
Indeed, there is palpable fear of danger across the board, regardless of the improvised preparatory measures citizens take to protect themselves. All that the police and the government offer the public are limping explanations. And, viewed from Section 14 (2b) of the 1999 Constitution, which says: “The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government,” the prevalent security infringements portray Nigeria as a failing state.
The awful situation is a throwback to Thomas Hobbes’ state of nature, appropriately described as “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” Even the well-heeled, who are by some means immune by a clot of police details, still feel unsafe. It is becoming jejune discussing the security situation in the country, fused with banditry, kidnapping and terrorism. Even worse is the obtrusion of white-collar crimes like the drug trade, human trafficking, cybercrime and trading in human parts.
The kernel of the existing anarchy was ploughed long ago, but its utmost manifestation became evident in 2009 when Boko Haram earned traction in the North-East. It challenged an unprepared state to a contest of supremacy. Although the Islamists have not entirely attained their ambition to create a caliphate, at their ferocious worst, they have massacred more than 100,000 persons in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa.
Boko Haram is just one leg of the monster. Another is cross-border banditry. From Zamfara State, it has berthed in Kaduna. The bandits, who sometimes immure in neighbouring countries, butchered 2,992 persons between June 2016 and June 2018; sacked 682 towns and villages; burnt or eradicated 2,706 farms; stole 2,244 motorcycles; 13,838 cows and 11,088 sheep and goats. With the state coming off confused, banditry has escalated to once-peaceful Sokoto, Katsina and Niger, where many have been murdered.
Fulani herdsmen are squirting rivers of blood in the North-Central states. Niger State Governor, Sani Bello, confessed that terrorists occupied swathes of the state, with Shiroro Council the worst hit. Despite anti-open grazing laws in several states, rampaging herdsmen continue to kill and supplant thousands. Boko Haram and its more deadly splinter, Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) still rule parts of the North-East. Increasingly, they are dispersing westwards and southwards, forming alliances with herdsmen and bandits.
For many Nigerians, daily life is precarious. Currently, attention is riveted on the bloody violence raging in Kaduna, the North-West state that hosts the highest number of security formations in West Africa. Within 48 hours, terrorists blasted the Kaduna International Airport and the Abuja-Kaduna train in quick succession. On July 18, 2021, bandits shot down a Nigerian Air Force (NAF) fighter jet on the border between Zamfara and Katsina States. It was the first time terrorists assailed Nigeria’s air and rail transportation systems.
A terror attack at St Francis Catholic Church, Owo, Ondo State in South-West Nigeria, unlocked a new chapter in the parlous security situation in Nigeria. The terrorists strategically chose a church and a location to make a statement that its reach had gone beyond the North, as was previously assumed. With the Owo massacre, which claimed between 30 and 70 worshippers, worship centres across the country will no longer be at ease.
Nigeria’s insecurity took a more bizarre dimension as non-state actors initiated daring attacks on numerous government institutions and officials including those working with President Muhammadu Buhari. The raid on a presidential convoy led to at least two injuries. The most notable of the incidents was the invasion of the Kuje custodial centre by armed members of ISWAP who freed more than 60 of their members and hundreds of others.
The South-East is another killing field. Criminals, riding on the back of self-determination agitation, have taken to incendiary tactics and aim to impose their writ through illegal sit-at-home orders, murder, and destruction of public facilities. A sure sign that the regime is losing control is the frequent butchery of soldiers and policemen, who themselves are fair game for deviants and can hardly defend the people.
The underwhelming performance of the police is traceable to their outdated operations. In the United Kingdom, United States, Australia and Europe, the police drive their operations through intelligence. In the United Kingdom, automated surveillance holds sway. There are 5.9 million CCTV cameras deployed in surveillance activities. In the aftermath of the August 2011 London riots, police analysed 200,000 CCTV images to identify the suspects.
The enervation of the military and the Department of State Services (DSS) has to be addressed. Rather than concentrate resources on gathering and acting on actionable intelligence on the location, movement, funding and logistics of the terror groups, the DSS distracts itself with self-determination groups and regime critics. Self-determination groups are not as noxious as terrorists. The nation’s secret police have to re-focus on effective intelligence-gathering and neutralisation of terrorists.
We enjoin all federal and state lawmakers, with the backing of state governors, to invoke the ‘doctrine of necessity’ and amend the 1999 Constitution to expedite state policing. This obliges states and communities to contrive their security capacity to control crime. The current system is an aberration of true federalism. By all peaceful and legal means, Nigerians must, in unison, strongly demand action before total anarchy ensues.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ Seaports Work
When Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, received the Board and Management of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), led by its Chairman, Senator Adeyeye Adedayo Clement, his message was unmistakable: Rivers’ seaports remain underutilised, and Nigeria is poorer for it. The governor’s lament was a sad reminder of how neglect and centralisation continue to choke the nation’s economic arteries.
The governor, in his remarks at Government House, Port Harcourt, expressed concern that the twin seaports — the NPA in Port Harcourt and the Onne Seaport — have not been operating at their full potential. He underscored that seaports are vital engines of national development, pointing out that no prosperous nation thrives without efficient ports and airports. His position aligns with global realities that maritime trade remains the backbone of industrial expansion and international commerce.
Indeed, the case of Rivers State is peculiar. It hosts two major ports strategically located along the Bonny River axis, yet cargo throughput has remained dismally low compared to Lagos. According to NPA’s 2023 statistics, Lagos ports (Apapa and Tin Can Island) handled over 75 per cent of Nigeria’s container traffic, while Onne managed less than 10 per cent. Such a lopsided distribution is neither efficient nor sustainable.
Governor Fubara rightly observed that the full capacity operation of Onne Port would be transformative. The area’s vast land mass and industrial potential make it ideal for ancillary businesses — warehousing, logistics, ship repair, and manufacturing. A revitalised Onne would attract investors, create jobs, and stimulate economic growth, not only in Rivers State but across the Niger Delta.
The multiplier effect cannot be overstated. The port’s expansion would boost clearing and forwarding services, strengthen local transport networks, and revitalise the moribund manufacturing sector. It would also expand opportunities for youth employment — a pressing concern in a state where unemployment reportedly hovers around 32 per cent, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).
Yet, the challenge lies not in capacity but in policy. For years, Nigeria’s maritime economy has been suffocated by excessive centralisation. Successive governments have prioritised Lagos at the expense of other viable ports, creating a traffic nightmare and logistical bottlenecks that cost importers and exporters billions annually. The governor’s call, therefore, is a plea for fairness and pragmatism.
Making Lagos the exclusive maritime gateway is counter productive. Congestion at Tin Can Island and Apapa has become legendary — ships often wait weeks to berth, while truck queues stretch for kilometres. The result is avoidable demurrage, product delays, and business frustration. A more decentralised port system would spread economic opportunities and reduce the burden on Lagos’ overstretched infrastructure.
Importers continue to face severe difficulties clearing goods in Lagos, with bureaucratic delays and poor road networks compounding their woes. The World Bank’s Doing Business Report estimates that Nigerian ports experience average clearance times of 20 days — compared to just 5 days in neighbouring Ghana. Such inefficiency undermines competitiveness and discourages foreign investment.
Worse still, goods transported from Lagos to other regions are often lost to accidents or criminal attacks along the nation’s perilous highways. Reports from the Federal Road Safety Corps indicate that over 5,000 road crashes involving heavy-duty trucks occurred in 2023, many en route from Lagos. By contrast, activating seaports in Rivers, Warri, and Calabar would shorten cargo routes and save lives.
The economic rationale is clear: making all seaports operational will create jobs, enhance trade efficiency, and boost national revenue. It will also help diversify economic activity away from the overburdened South West, spreading prosperity more evenly across the federation.
Decentralisation is both an economic strategy and an act of national renewal. When Onne, Warri, and Calabar ports operate optimally, hinterland states benefit through increased trade and infrastructure development. The federal purse, too, gains through taxes, duties, and improved productivity.
Tin Can Island, already bursting at the seams, exemplifies the perils of over-centralisation. Ships face berthing delays, containers stack up, and port users lose valuable hours navigating chaos. The result is higher operational costs and lower competitiveness. Allowing states like Rivers to fully harness their maritime assets would reverse this trend.
Compelling all importers to use Lagos ports is an anachronistic policy that stifles innovation and local enterprise. Nigeria cannot achieve its industrial ambitions by chaining its logistics system to one congested city. The path to prosperity lies in empowering every state to develop and utilise its natural advantages — and for Rivers, that means functional seaports.
Fubara’s call should not go unheeded. The Federal Government must embrace decentralisation as a strategic necessity for national growth. Making Rivers’ seaports work is not just about reviving dormant infrastructure; it is about unlocking the full maritime potential of a nation yearning for balance, productivity, and shared prosperity.
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