Editorial

Revisiting The National Minimum Wage Policy

Published

12 years ago

September 24, 2014

The need for the review of the N18,000
National Minimum Wage has continued
to raise public discourse even when all the persons who should do something about it look the other way. But the standard of living in some States tends to expose public sector workers to avoidable temptation.
Even the National Conference, which brought the issue to the front burner of national discourse, also disappointed when it failed to recognise the urgency for a review and or the inclusion of a clause for a periodic review of the National Minimum Wage in the Nigerian Constitution.
Consequently, the level of poverty amongst the working class, especially the public sector workers, is becoming increasingly unbearable on the face of dwindling purchasing power of the Naira and the rising cost of goods and services in the country.
A couple of weeks ago, the leader of the best democracy in the world, President Barrack Obama started a push for the upward review of the minimum wage in the United States of America, an example progressive minded Nigerians expect to happen in their country.
The President of America would do this because he understands the benefit of the increase on the country. It is obvious that with the increase in the purchasing power of the workers, there will be more demand and then the companies will work and employ more, pay tax and promote the circle of productivity.
In the last 15 years, the National Minimum Wage has been reviewed twice to N12,000 and N18,000 in response to the living conditions of workers. Even when the civil service that used to pay better than firms like Shell Petroleum Development Company, SPDC has failed to change even when the N18,000 minimum wage has failed to serve the best interest of the people.
The Federal Government in 2000 and 2007 approved the implementation of the Harmonised Public Service Salary Structure (HAPSS), and Consolidated Public Service Salary Structure (CONPSS) with effect from 2003 and 2008, respectively. Government also made it binding for all tiers of government to view workers’ salaries every five years.
In the light of the above, the N18,000 National Minimum Wage was approved to have been reviewed in 2012. Even while no government appears keen at complying with the subsisting policy the labour unions too, fear to raise the subject.
The Tide is worried that government is waiting to be reminded that the prevailing socio-economic conditions, especially in the face of spiraling inflation and very low value of the Naira, in addition to other stifling national challenges, have subjected public sector workers to excruciating poverty, and indirectly criminalizing the workforce. It is clear that the high level of corruption in public affairs cannot be extricated from the very low value attached to the labour of public service workers. And this state portends serious danger not just for the polity and young democracy, but also the economy, upon which the very future of the nation revolves.
As in other climes, especially the advanced economies, where governments are the champions and advocates for a well-paid workforce, TheTide expects governments at all levels to realize that workers are the engine-room of growth, development and prosperity, and therefore, must be paid a living wage that seamlessly takes them home and provides basic necessities of life. We think that government should be humane enough to ensure that workers who push for salary reviews are not sanctioned but seen as partners in governance.
Indeed, the time has come for both the Federal Government and the National Assembly to collaborate with leaders of organized labour, especially the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC), and agree on a new National Minimum Wage in line with the prevailing realities. We also task the Presidency and the National Assembly to ensure the incorporation of the periodic review of the National Minimum Wage in the ongoing Constitutional amendment.
This stakeholder partnership is expedient to correct the crippling lapses in the smooth functioning of the political and economic structures of the country. Closing this gap now, we think, would show that government is being proactive than waiting to deploy the reactionary strategies when workers run out of patience, and confront the system with a bid to get their due.

Editorial

2027: Beyond IGP’s Billboards Protection Order

Published

2 days ago

November 13, 2026

The Tide

As Nigeria moves toward the 2027 general elections and campaign activities intensify, violence against opposition politicians has become an issue that can no longer be overlooked. What should be a season of competing ideas is increasingly turning into a test of intimidation, and early signs suggest that those challenging the ruling establishment are the primary targets.
It was, therefore, welcome news when the Inspector-General of Police, Olatunji Disu, warned politicians, political thugs and others against destroying, defacing or removing campaign posters, banners and billboards. In a statement issued in Abuja by the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Ani Iniedu, the police condemned such acts as political intolerance, directed Commissioners of Police in all 36 States and the Federal Capital Territory to take preventive measures, and warned that sponsors would also face prosecution. The police rightly described such vandalism as a criminal act that undermines parties’ and candidates’ freedom to canvass for votes.
But billboards are replaceable; human lives are not. While applauding the IGP’s stance, we urge him to extend the same stern warning and enforcement zeal to thugs who assault opposition members during campaigns. A police force that punishes the tearing of a poster but ignores the breaking of a skull will have its priorities questioned. Allowing such attacks to continue could erode the foundations of our democracy.
Consider the African Democratic Congress (ADC) presidential campaign flag-off in Sokoto State on November 4, 2026. The party alleged that the State Government denied it access to public facilities, sealed its campaign venue and pressured hotels to reject its delegates, forcing it to hold the rally at its secretariat. The Sokoto authorities, however, denied instructing hotels to turn guests away. More seriously, two suspected ADC supporters were reportedly shot along the Sokoto–Wurno Road while travelling to the venue, allegedly by operatives of the Sokoto State Community Guards.
Whatever the truth of these competing accounts, a shooting demands more than press statements. It requires a transparent, independent investigation and prosecution where warranted. Sokoto was not an isolated incident. The following day in Birnin Kebbi, the ADC presidential campaign convoy was reportedly attacked by armed gangs. Amnesty International said vehicles were vandalised, people assaulted with cutlasses and roads blocked, while the party’s Kebbi governorship candidate, Abubakar Malami, alleged that media equipment was destroyed and tear gas deployed. His convoy had suffered a similar attack in the city in September 2025.
The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) has suffered similar attacks. On November 4, hoodlums stoned the motorcade of its presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and running mate, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, at Watt Market roundabout in Calabar, Cross River State. Police reported arresting a 27-year-old suspect, Victor Edet, although it remains unclear whether he has been arraigned. The State Government has denied suggestions that ruling-party supporters were responsible. Worse, in Asaba, Delta State, one person was killed and five injured when suspected thugs attacked an NDC rally. A death at a political rally is no longer a warning; it is a damning indictment of the prevailing political climate.
Even critics of the establishment who are not frontrunners have not been spared. Omoyele Sowore, presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), was attacked by suspected thugs at a restaurant in Ado-Ekiti on October 30. He alleged that the assailants were linked to the Ekiti State Government House and that the Department of State Services leaked his location. Both the State Government and the security service denied involvement, while the police reported a minor injury and a discreet investigation. These conflicting accounts make an independent, publicly reported inquiry indispensable.
What deepens the concern is the Federal Government’s apparent silence. We are unaware of any specific, forceful condemnation of these assaults, even as All Progressives Congress (APC) rallies appear to proceed nationwide without incident. Such silence can easily be misconstrued as complicity, regardless of intent.
According to the Centre for Democracy and Development, 109 election-related deaths were recorded in the build-up to the 2023 polls. The Kimpact Development Initiative separately documented 238 incidents and 24 deaths during the general elections. Beyond Nigeria, Kenya’s 2007–08 post-election violence claimed more than 1,000 lives, according to the Waki Commission. Ghana, by contrast, enacted the Vigilantism and Related Offences Act in 2019 to curb party vigilante groups, a model worth studying.
The remedies are neither exotic nor expensive. The IGP should extend his directive to cover assaults on individuals and disruptions of rallies, while establishing a dedicated investigative unit to probe the Sokoto shooting and the attacks in Kebbi, Calabar, Asaba and Ado-Ekiti. It should publish the status of each case within a fixed period. Suspects must be prosecuted and their sponsors, regardless of party or position, brought to justice. State-backed security outfits, including the Community Guards, should be audited and barred from partisan duties.
The Federal Government must speak and act unequivocally. President Tinubu should specifically condemn attacks on opposition candidates and direct all security agencies to guarantee equal protection for every party. Governors must ensure equal access to public facilities for registered parties. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which has warned of fines and imprisonment under the Electoral Act 2026 for inflammatory campaign conduct, should enforce the Code of Conduct for Political Parties. Working with the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security, it should publish a joint security plan covering campaigns, polling, and collation. Parties must discipline their supporters, courts expedite electoral-violence trials, and civil society and the media maintain a public record of incidents and their outcomes.
The credibility of the 2027 elections is at stake. An election is credible only when every contender can campaign, travel, assemble and speak freely, without fear. Without a free opposition, there can be no meaningful democracy. Nigeria is not a one-party State, and law enforcement agencies must demonstrate their neutrality through action, not communiqués. The campaign atmosphere is too tense to be left to chance. Billboards deserve protection, certainly, but citizens deserve it far more.

Editorial

Champions At Last: Well Done, Flamingos

Published

6 days ago

November 9, 2026

The Tide

History was made on 7 November in Rabat, Morocco, when Nigeria’s U-17 women’s team, the Flamingos, beat Japan 2-1 to win the FIFA U-17 Women’s World Cup 2026.

Nigeria became the first African women’s team to win a FIFA title at any level, breaking a hierarchy long dominated by Asia and Europe. Before this final, only five nations had lifted the trophy since 2008: North Korea (4), Spain (2), and South Korea, France and Japan (1 each).

Nigeria’s dominance of women’s football in Africa is well established. The Super Falcons have won a record 10 Women’s Africa Cup of Nations titles since 1998, winning all 10 finals they contested. Yet continental supremacy had never translated into a global crown for a women’s side, until now. The Flamingos have bridged that gap.

The manner of victory made it even more impressive. In the semi-final, Nigeria beat Brazil 3-1 to surpass their previous best finish of third in 2022, when they beat Germany on penalties for bronze. The Brazilian coach conceded candidly that the Flamingos were better and stronger. It was merit, not fortune, that carried Nigeria to the final.

This gold was also the fulfilment of a long apprenticeship. The Flamingos had featured in seven of the eight previous editions, reached the quarter-finals five times, and secured Africa’s first podium finish with bronze in 2022. That bronze was a promise; this gold is its fulfilment. Their rise from quarter-finalists to medallists to champions reflects steady maturation, not accidental brilliance.

The triumph arrives at a moment when Nigeria’s senior teams are faltering. When senior sides stumble, confidence wanes and supporters grow cynical. The Flamingos have rekindled belief, reminding the nation that its talent pipeline remains fertile and its place in world football is attainable. Their success is a beacon in a period of gloom.

Kudos to the Flamingos. They have earned a special place in Nigerians’ hearts, not merely because they won, but because they won with courage, discipline and collective spirit. In a nation often divided by ethnicity, politics and economic anxiety, these young women have provided a rare moment of unified jubilation.

Having made the country proud, they deserve tangible recognition, not fleeting applause or empty rhetoric. Other nations honour conquering athletes with national honours, financial rewards, housing and scholarships. Nigeria must not be less generous. A formal reception, befitting remuneration and public celebration would show that sacrifice for the national colours carries reward.

Beyond that, these girls must not be allowed to fade away. Nigeria’s U-17 boys achieved comparable feats, yet many of those players disappeared for want of structure, guidance and continuity. History cautions that a single triumph can become an epitaph rather than a foundation if it is not consolidated. The nation must resist the familiar cycle of euphoria followed by neglect.

If properly tutored and groomed, these players will bring further glory, through a deliberate transition from the U-17s to the U-20s and ultimately to the Super Falcons. That requires structured coaching, competitive exposure, sports science, psychological support and regular international fixtures, rather than sporadic camping before tournaments. The Federal Government must ensure no Flamingo is lost to idleness, injury without care, or migration without a pathway home.

To sustain this success, the authorities must adopt policies to grow the game as other successful nations have done. Spain, twice champions at this level, and Japan, champions in 2014, built their success on school football, licensed academies, professional women’s leagues and long-term technical curricula. North Korea’s four titles reflect systematic, state-supported youth development. Nigeria need not copy every detail, but it must embrace the principle: talent is cultivated, not accidental.

The Nigeria Football Federation, National Sports Commission, state governments, corporate sponsors and schools must, therefore, act in concert. We propose: first, individual development plans and scholarships for every squad member; second, guaranteed progression into the U-20 team and the Nigeria Women Football League; third, a national girls’ football academy system anchored in the six geopolitical zones; and fourth, transparent contracts, medical insurance and mentorship to protect these minors from exploitation. These are not extravagant demands; they are the minimum obligations owed to world champions.

The Flamingos have given Nigeria more than a trophy; they have given the country a template and a testimony. They have shown that with preparation, belief and unity, Nigerian girls can conquer the world. Let the applause be loud, but let the action be louder. If we nurture these champions and sustain the policies that produced them, this golden November in Rabat will be remembered not as an isolated miracle, but as the dawn of Nigeria’s enduring reign in women’s football.

Editorial

Kula Tragedy, Needless Loss Of Lives

Published

2 weeks ago

November 2, 2026

The Tide

The reported drowning of about ten young men in the creeks of Kula, Akuku-Toru Local Government Area of Rivers State, during an alleged confrontation over an oil spill at OML-55 is an avoidable tragedy. What began as a protest against environmental degradation and demands for remediation and compensation ended in a fatal collision between a community boat and a gunboat operated by personnel in military attire. The incident, which occurred amid efforts to halt a commercial vessel, underscores the persistent tensions between host communities and oil operators in the Niger Delta.

According to community accounts, including those of Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe, a former spokesman of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, residents sought to suspend operations pending cleanup and compensation. The arrival of armed personnel reportedly heightened tensions, resulting in the community boat capsizing. Recovery efforts were ongoing when initial reports emerged, while the Nigerian Army’s 6 Division and the Rivers State Police Command had yet to issue formal statements. Such delays in official communication only deepen public anxiety and suspicion.

This unfortunate situation is not an isolated incident. The National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) recorded 4,184 oil spill incidents in Rivers State between 2015 and July 2025, the highest among Nigeria’s states. Nationally, 589 spills were recorded in 2024, releasing approximately 19,000 barrels of crude. Although sabotage and theft account for many incidents, operational failures remain significant. Since commercial oil production began in the late 1950s, millions of barrels have reportedly polluted the Niger Delta, devastating mangroves, fisheries, and livelihoods.

The conduct of some youths in dealing with oil companies requires sober reflection. While grievances over pollution, inadequate remediation, and unfulfilled obligations are legitimate, physically obstructing vessels or confronting armed security personnel rarely produces constructive results. The Ogoni struggle of the 1990s, associated with Ken Saro-Wiwa, demonstrated the power of organised, non-violent advocacy. Subsequent militant violence, however, exacted devastating costs on communities. Youths must, therefore, prioritise dialogue, petitions, traditional institutions, and lawful complaints over dangerous confrontations.

This tragedy could and should have been prevented. Existing laws provide avenues for addressing community grievances. The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021, for instance, requires settlors to contribute three per cent of their preceding year’s actual operating expenditure in upstream petroleum operations to Host Communities Development Trusts. These trusts are intended to support infrastructure, education, healthcare, and environmental protection, providing structured mechanisms for handling development deficits and community concerns without risking lives.

Oil operators must equally demonstrate restraint and environmental responsibility. Where pollution occurs, as alleged at OML-55, companies must ensure transparent investigation, remediation, and meaningful engagement with affected communities. Deploying armed personnel at the first sign of resistance often escalates disputes rather than resolves them. Host communities are stakeholders, not adversaries, and legitimate environmental concerns must never be treated as threats warranting intimidation or excessive force.

Both sides must respect the rule of law. Youths should avoid dangerous confrontations with armed operatives, particularly on waterways, where accidents can quickly become fatal. Operators, in turn, must not take unilateral actions that disregard community concerns or environmental obligations. Properly implemented, the PIA’s Host Communities Development Trust framework and applicable environmental regulations offer avenues for resolving disputes and grievances.

Regulators, particularly the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and NOSDRA, must act more decisively. Effective monitoring, prompt investigation of spills, and strict enforcement of remediation and compensation obligations would help prevent recurring confrontations. Although improvements in spill management are possible, persistent pollution, unrecovered crude, and community alienation demand stronger institutional commitment. Laws are meaningful only when enforcement delivers tangible results to affected populations.

Security agencies must also establish clear protocols for handling disputes between oil operators and host communities. Reports that uniformed personnel allegedly left the scene after the Kula incident raise serious questions requiring investigation. The police and military must establish what happened, under whose authority the personnel acted, and whether failures of judgment or communication contributed to the tragedy. An independent, transparent inquiry is essential to establish accountability, restore public confidence, and prevent recurrence.

Sustainable peace in oil-producing communities depends on mutual respect, environmental justice, and genuine partnership. Youths must pursue organised, peaceful advocacy; oil operators must prioritise remediation and equitable community benefits; and regulators must ensure that existing laws translate into timely action. Above all, the reported Kula tragedy must not be reduced to another statistic or forgotten after public outrage subsides. Only through accountability, restraint, and institutional diligence can the Niger Delta break free from the destructive cycle of pollution, protest, and preventable death.