Editorial
Release Orosanya Report Now
It needs not be restated here that the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), a child of circumstance, is a product of the yearnings of the beleaguered people of the Niger Delta who have for several years suffered the highest magnitude of neglect and marginalization occasioned by mindless and near criminal exploitation of its mineral resources.
Founded in the wake of the failure of the defunct Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB) and the former Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) to fully and squarely address the age-long developmental problem of the Niger Delta region, the NDDC was thus conceptualised to intervene in the developmental crisis of the region and fast-track its developmental needs in such a way that the morass of poverty, squalor and misery that has been the lot of the region would be fought to a standstill and the people rescued from the nadir of socio-economic asphyxia.
Sadly however, a cursory look at the performance of the NDDC since its inception would reveal a prosaic picture of the commission so much so that there is hardly any meaningful record on the credit side of its balance sheet either to warrant self applause from its authorities or accolade from its member-states and the general public.
Indeed, there is hardly any discourse on the Niger Delta region or any forum on the developmental challenges of the region that has not reviewed the activities of the commission vis-à-vis the needs of the people that has not given the NDDC thumbs down.
In fact, the commission has been criticised severally for not achieving its objectives of fostering the much-desired development in the Niger Delta region. And if the performance of the NDDC has been anything but impressive, observers say it is because the lofty goals of the commission as enshrined in its master plan are being gradually sacrificed by some boardroom political gladiators with primordial interests and inordinate quests.
Incensed by this sad state of affairs in the commission, some Niger Deltans and many highly perceptible Nigerians have canvassed the outright scrapping of the commission and the transfer of its bureaucracy and affairs to the Federal Ministry of Niger Delta for proper attention and co-ordination.
Exasperated by the NDDC’s anthology of woes and the general outcry against its inefficiency and ineffectiveness, President Goodluck Jonathan had appointed a 7-man Committee headed by former Head of Civil Service of the Federation, Mr. Steve Orosanya to make an inquest into the conduct of the affairs of the commission and proffer measures that would strengthen the institution.
Albeit, based on the recommendations of the Orosanya Commission, the former board was sacked and a new board and management appointed to manage its affairs. And even as the new board has started well in earnest, many people, especially Niger Delta indigenes expect President Jonathan to go beyond that by directing the immediate release of the white paper so that the committee’s report would be made public and its recommendations implemented to the letter.
No doubt, there exists certain intervening variables in public policy goals and implementation, especially in a clime like ours, the committee’s report, like many others before it, should not be bound in red tapes and allowed to gather dusts in the drawers of file cabinets of seedy bureaucrats obsessed with impeding the progress of the Niger Delta region.
The Tide believes that the NDDC can be sanitised if the Federal Government musters the political will to speedily address the issues on the panel’s report regardless of whose ox is gored.
We must depart radically from the past when white papers of reports of panels of public interest are never released, much against the grain of the very etiquette under-guarding such exercises.
The Tide is convinced that unless the Federal Government releases the white paper on the Orosanya Panel Report and adheres strictly to its recommendations, the government will still be groping to find solutions to the crisis in the commission, and the Niger Delta region will be the ultimate loser. This is why we think the white paper should be released now. The people of the Niger Delta are waiting.
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
Editorial
Improving Surveillance in Rivers’ Boundary Communities
