Editorial
That Bill On Jungle Justice
About two weeks ago, the Senate roundly condemned the rising cases of jungle justice in Nigeria. The Senators’ anger was triggered by a mob action against a teenage boy, who was lynched to death for allegedly stealing a mobile phone at Alafia bus stop in Orile, along Badagry Expressway in Lagos. The video and pictures of the mob action went viral immediately, and attracted attention of most Nigerians, including rights groups, politicians, among others.
The Red Chamber unequivocally poured vituperations on those who, without hesitation, took the laws into their own hands by lynching any person or persons suspected of committing criminal acts. The lawmakers insisted that such act of hooliganism was not only barbaric but also inhuman and unacceptable. The Upper Legislative Chamber advised that the spontaneous reaction to suspected criminal acts must stop, if Nigeria is to be counted as a civilized society that respects the rule of law.
In a motion sponsored by Gbenga Ashafa (APC-Lagos East), and supported by Senate Leader, Ali Ndume (APC–Borno South), the Senate urged the police to immediately confirm or deny the November 16, 2016, shameful incident in Lagos, including other recent mob actions in other states of the federation, and what it has done to check the ugly trend. The Red Chamber particularly charged the police to fish out the perpetrators of the gruesome murder of the young boy, and also ensure that they are brought to book as quickly as possible. The Senate also asked the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, state Attorneys General, and the police across the country to take Steps to apprehend and prosecute those involved in such a case and similar incidents that are crude reminders of the state of nature where might was right and brutish. It should not be so in the 21st century. The Upper Chamber also urged its Committee on Judiciary, Human Rights and Legal Matters to expedite action on the passage of the Anti-Jungle Justice Bill before it. Regretting that the nasty behaviour has led the international community to tag Nigeria as one of the worst places where the primitive resort to jungle justice as a way of redressing grievances still persists in the world.
The Tide feels particularly troubled by this mad rush to obtain justice by crude and fast means without any recourse to the rule of law and due constitutional process. We say so because this tendency has continued to reoccur in most cities, communities, and indeed, neighbourhoods, despite condemnations by well-meaning individuals and rights groups.
In 2011, four University of Port Harcourt students were lynched to death in broad-day light in Omokri-Aluu in Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State by an irate mob following a mere suspicion of wrongdoing. In September, this year, in Uyo, a man’s right hand was chopped off for allegedly stealing a television set from a viewing centre. In October, irate youth in Tudun Wada, in Kaduna South Local Government Area of Kaduna State, attacked and killed about four persons suspected to be members of the Shitite sect. In March, a man was murdered by an angry mob in Benin City, Edo State after he was allegedly caught in a gay act with his partner, who only narrowly escaped lynching. In the same month in Ondo State, another man accused of gay practice died a day after he was beaten to pulp by a mob. On June 2 in Kano, a 74-year-old trader, Mrs. Bridget Agbahime, was lynched at Kofar Wambai Market by Muslim youth over allegations of blasphemy. Barely one week later, a similar incident occurred in Kaduna, where a carpenter, Mr. Francis Emmanuel, was attacked and killed in the Kakuri area of the metropolis by some Muslim youth for allegedly failing to observe the Ramadan fast. These are just a few of the ugly examples of jungle justice and self-help across the country in recent times.
The Tide is disturbed that despite the rising orgy of extra-judicial killings and mob lynching of persons suspected, rightly or wrongly of committing a crime, there are hardly effective efforts by the police and other law enforcement agencies to arrest and prosecute those who resort to jungle justice to mitigate any suspected wrongdoing. Even when suspects are arrested, they largely go scot-free due to lack of diligent prosecution.
Yet, we reckon, and painfully too, that mob action, which often leads to death, is a crime under Nigerian laws. In fact, Section 33 of the 1999 Constitution clearly states, “Every person has a right to life, and no one shall be deprived intentionally of his life, save in execution of the sentence of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty in Nigeria.” And in a democratic society guided by laws, the quick resort to barbarism and cannibalistic behaviours speak volumes of a deep-seated culture of lack of respect for human lives, which necessarily betrays the confidence of the international community on Nigeria, and indeed, Nigerians as a civilised people.
This is why we boldly join the Senate and other Nigerians who loath this shameful act of barbarism to condemn the rising cases of jungle justice in the land. Even though we agree with the Senate that this trend may have been influenced by the growing lack of confidence by the people on the ability and capacity of government and the law enforcement agencies to provide needed protection and security to all irrespective of their social status, we disagree that this tendency justifies people taking the laws into their own hands by resorting to jungle justice at the slightest provocation. We insist that Nigerians must appreciate the fact that every suspect is presumed innocent until he or she is proven otherwise by a court of competent jurisdiction. And anything contrary to the rule of law in that regard is an affront on the state, and must be punished accordingly to serve as a deterrent to others.
The Tide, therefore, calls on the Senate to, as a matter of urgency, conclude legislative work on the Anti-Jungle Justice Bill before it, and pass same for presidential assent and execution by the law enforcement agencies. This way, the enabling legal framework would have been provided, to help obliterate the often brandied excuses by state Attorneys-General and the police of lack of diligent prosecution, when offenders who actually undermined the state, and deserved to have been punished by the state. We also insist that the police must wake up to its responsibilities to the citizenry by arresting those involved in acts of barbarism and jungle justice, and prosecute such felons according to law, because we do not need any special law to try those who clearly commit acts of murder and homicide.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.