Editorial
Ensuring The Neutrality Of The Judiciary
Amidst disputations and protestations by
political litigants over what they consid
ered questionable judgments by various election petitions tribunals, the nation’s Court of Appeal has, in the past two weeks, either upheld most of the vexatious rulings, or in certain instances, even expanded the scope of distress hitherto complained about.
On the last count, the appeal court has annulled results of National Assembly elections in Rivers State, sacking all three senators, and also upheld the nullification of the State’s Governorship election, along with nearly all State House of Assembly elections results. In Akwa Ibom State, the Tribunal had questioned elections in 18 local governments and ordered re-run in those areas but the appeal court, just three days ago, annulled results of the entire governorship polls, thus, sacking Governor Emmanuel Udom.
The account of Kogi State elections, its controversies, eventual outcome and disturbing protests are still lingering. And in Bayelsa State, a re-run of one local government, Southern Ijaw, has been fixed for January 9, 2016. That was after allegations and complaints of State sponsored harassments and intimidation of the people by the military, the police and other armed forces, deployed to the state to keep the peace.
Curiously, all the affected states were those hitherto controlled by the major opposition, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and which have forced many to question the neutrality of the judiciary and indeed the security institutions.
Happily, the Chief of Army Staff last week Wednesday, acknowledged receipt of petition alleging misconduct of its personnel in the Bayelsa elections and assured that anyone found culpable would be punished. Such an action is necessary, if for nothing else to avoid any further attempt to pitch the people against their own military, as seemed the case in Bayelsa, during the last elections.
But perhaps the most disturbing trend is the kind of rulings emanating from the courts these days. Not only are some very conflicting, others seem bent on snatching for complaints, electoral victories they could not get from the fields and from the people or decided on simply creating a political void with the mindset of reclaiming victory with the full weight and support of the present dispensation , through violent political grandstanding.
Knowing how expensive, violence prone and very polarising elections in Nigeria have become, it is pertinent that before electoral results are annulled, every court ought to be certain that it is indeed a last resort. It must not just be based on legal technically, considering the fact that its outcome on the wallet of the state and people would indeed be huge.
It is even worse if a set of people begins to harbour the mindset that it is being short-changed due to political beliefs and standing. Such feeling often rises to a boiling point, then, frustration and on the long run, contribute towards a total lack of faith in the judiciary.
That will indeed be dangerous because a country where, people lose faith in the judiciary would be a ready theatre for chaos and anarchy and rubbish the rule of law. It will also push them to seek alternative forms of conflict resolution, including jungle justice.
In a growing democracy, the judiciary ought to be the last hope of the common man. It should be the fiercest force to moderate the might of the strong and protect the weakness of the meek. It must avoid the tendency of upholding at all times, that might be right or that all victories must belong to the government in power.
This is why the recent comment of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Mohammed is a bit reassuring. According to the CJN, Nigeria’s judicial system needs complete overhaul to ensure access, affordability, speedy justice delivery and peaceful conflict resolution.
What the CJN did not add however, is that the judiciary needs to rid itself of political judges and magistrates who seem bent on eroding its most desired and valued neutrality through conflicting rulings that make utter nonsense of the law. The CJN and the National Judicial Council (NJC) cannot pretend not to know of the existence of such judges. Now therefore, is the time for self probe necessary to save the judiciary from itself.
The judiciary, is like the salt of democracy without which the rule of law is doomed, anarchy reigns and conflict resolution ordered round the dictum of might being right. Nigeria will be doomed to get to that level. That is why all must act now, not later, to save our democracy.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
Making Rivers’ 2026 Budget Count
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