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Editorial

Flooding in Rivers: Decisive Action Now!

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The call by the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Martins Amaewhule, on Governor Siminalayi Fubara to take immediate steps to alleviate the plight of flood victims could not have come at a more appropriate time. According to the Speaker, “We are calling on the Rivers State Governor to take immediate steps to ameliorate the situation. That is why we have a government. That is why we have funds. A lot more needs to be done to help our people.” Beyond partisan considerations, this intervention underscores the urgency of the humanitarian crisis confronting the state and reminds the government of its primary responsibility to protect lives, property, and livelihoods.
What the state has endured in recent weeks has been devastating. Flash floods have swept through several communities, submerging homes and destroying properties on a scale that has caused widespread distress. From Nkpogu, Mile 1 Diobu, Azuabie, Okuru-Ama and the Peter Odili axis in Port Harcourt to Rumuigbo, Rukpoku, Rumuepirikom, Mgbuoba, Eneka, Alakahia, Rumuagholu, Igwuruta, and several other parts of Obio/Akpor and Ahoada West, many households have been severely affected. The Nigeria Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA) has consistently identified Rivers among the states at high risk of flooding, underscoring the seriousness of the threat. This is not an isolated incident but part of a recurring pattern that demands a sustained response.
One allegation repeatedly raised by residents also deserves urgent investigation. Some residents have linked the worsening flooding in certain areas to debris from the ongoing construction of the Port Harcourt Ring Road, particularly during the period when construction activity was disrupted following the emergency rule. They contend that, in some places, poorly executed sections of the project have obstructed water channels and natural waterways, restricting the free flow of stormwater. The allegation should be independently investigated by the Ministry of Works and the supervising contractor. Where such obstructions are established, the affected corridors and drainage channels should be cleared without delay. Development projects must not become a source of hardship for the very people they are intended to benefit.
Beyond the immediate emergency, Rivers State has several communities that have historically been vulnerable to flooding. Areas along the fringes of the Orashi and Sombrero rivers, as well as parts of Ahoada East, Ahoada West, Abua/Odual, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni and Andoni, have experienced recurrent inundation. NiMet’s 2026 Seasonal Climate Prediction forecasts an early-to-normal onset of the rainy season, normal-to-late cessation, and normal-to-above-normal rainfall and season duration across the country.
It also identifies Rivers among the states where the rainy season is expected to cease earlier than the long-term average. These forecasts reinforce the need for preparedness rather than reaction. A comprehensive hydrological study should be undertaken to establish the precise causes of persistent flooding in these communities, whether related to tidal surges, low elevation, inadequate drainage, or insufficient discharge capacity. Such a study would provide the basis for lasting corrective measures.
At the heart of the problem is a more fundamental failure: inadequate development control. This is unfortunate and unsustainable. Across the Greater Port Harcourt area, for instance, structures are erected without the necessary approvals, wetlands are indiscriminately reclaimed, and buildings are constructed on natural floodplains with inadequate regulatory supervision. The consequences are evident in blocked waterways and neighbourhoods where houses now compete with natural drainage channels for space.
The old Port Harcourt Township provides an instructive contrast. Flooding is less frequent in areas such as the Old GRA and the main Township, not necessarily because they receive less rainfall, but because they were designed with properly aligned drainage systems, adequate setbacks and defined building lines. This demonstrates the value of orderly urban planning and effective development control. A well-planned city is better positioned to manage the effects of heavy rainfall.
While the government must be held accountable for failing to discharge its statutory responsibilities, residents must also accept their share of responsibility. Improper waste disposal has reached alarming levels in many communities. Public drainage channels are routinely used as dumpsites, with plastics, household refuse, and even faecal matter dumped into waterways intended to carry stormwater. Such behaviour is unacceptable. The government must enforce existing sanitation laws and impose appropriate penalties on offenders to deter others.
Given the severity of the current situation, the state government should, as a matter of urgency, provide relief materials to the flood victims and ensure that such assistance reaches those for whom it is intended. Food items, mattresses, medical supplies, and financial assistance would help cushion the immediate hardship. There have also been concerns about the distribution of relief materials along partisan lines. The Deputy Governor, Prof. Ngozi Nma Odu-led Government Flood Management Committee should investigate such allegations and ensure that assistance reaches victims irrespective of their political affiliation. Human suffering should not become an instrument of partisan politics.
For those whose homes have been rendered uninhabitable, the provision of food and other relief materials alone is not enough. The governing authorities should provide temporary accommodation for displaced persons until they can safely return to their homes. Such shelters must provide adequate water, sanitation, and healthcare to protect displaced families from further hardship and prevent avoidable public health challenges. Establishing properly managed temporary shelters should, therefore, be an essential part of the emergency response.
Regrettably, some landlords are reportedly taking advantage of the crisis to exploit displaced families. There are reports of property owners demanding exorbitant rents, in some cases doubling or tripling previous rates, from people desperately searching for accommodation. This is a time for compassion, not profiteering. Landlords and other members of the community should show consideration for families who have lost their homes or possessions to flooding. Rivers people have a long tradition of communal solidarity, and this is a moment to demonstrate that spirit by being their brothers’ and sisters’ keepers.
The rainy season does not come without warning. As the current rainy season draws to a close, the government must resist the temptation to return to complacency and wait for the next downpour before taking action. It must work proactively with the flood predictions and early-warning information provided by NiMet and NIHSA. NiMet continues to issue weather and climate forecasts to support disaster preparedness, while NIHSA provides flood outlooks identifying areas and communities at risk.
Desilting drains and waterways before the rains, ensuring that drainage channels are properly connected to their outfalls, and enforcing development-control regulations must become routine government responsibilities, not emergency measures. If the authorities act ahead of time, the state can significantly reduce the devastation caused by heavy rainfall. Preventing and mitigating flooding must be an intentional and sustained act of governance, not an afterthought.
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Editorial

Addressing The Housing Crisis In Rivers

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The recent appeal by the Cross River State Government to landlords to exercise compassion over frequent and excessive increments in house rents deserves applause, even if it is unlikely to achieve much on its own. The Commissioner for Lands, Mr Erasmus Ekpang, while addressing journalists in Calabar, captured the prevailing mood succinctly when he observed that there is already enough suffering in the land, with residents grappling with escalating costs of food, transportation and other essentials. His entreaty that property owners should view their holdings not merely as investments but as homes deserving of dignity and stability is a moral intervention that resonates far beyond Calabar.

While Cross River has chosen the path of moral suasion, the situation in Rivers State, particularly in its capital Port Harcourt, presents a far more acute and pressing emergency that demands more than pleas. The Cross River experience merely provides a mirror for a deeper, more entrenched malady here. If accommodation has become expensive in Calabar, in Port Harcourt it has become prohibitive, and indeed, for many low and middle-income families, unattainable.

In Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor today, securing decent shelter has become an ordeal defined by exorbitant charges. A modest one-bedroom flat now commands as much as one million naira per annum in many areas, while a finished apartment with Plaster of Paris ceiling can attract between N1.5 million and N1.7 million. These figures are not isolated; they represent the new normal in parts of Diobu, Rumuokoro, Peter Odili Road, and other densely populated axes. The consequence is a relentless displacement of tenants who have occupied premises for years but can no longer meet arbitrary increases.

The weight of this crisis is felt most keenly by the ordinary citizen. The average civil servant, whose minimum wage remains grossly inadequate against market realities, finds it increasingly impossible to reside within the city he serves. In Bonny, the situation is even more outrageous, driven by the presence of oil and gas operations, where rents rival those of highbrow districts in Lagos and Abuja. Families are being frustrated out of their homes, livelihoods are being disrupted, and workers are forced to relocate to distant peripheries, with attendant costs in time and transportation. It is a burden too heavy to bear.

This local agony must be situated within a national catastrophe. Nigeria faces an estimated housing deficit of 28 million units, a figure consistently cited by the Federal Ministry of Housing and Urban Development (2023) and corroborated by the World Bank (2023). The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported in its Consumer Price Index of late 2024 that housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels contributed significantly to headline inflation, which peaked at 34.19 per cent in June 2024. When shelter, a fundamental human need, becomes this unaffordable, the social contract begins to fray.

Affordability indices further illuminate the hardship. According to the NBS Nigerian Labour Force Survey 2023, over 63 per cent of Nigerians are classified as multidimensionally poor, spending more than 60 per cent of their income on housing and food alone. For a civil servant on Grade Level 08 in Rivers State earning less than N150,000 monthly, a rent of N1 million per annum consumes over 55 per cent of annual income, far above the 30 per cent threshold recommended by UN-Habitat (2022) for housing affordability. This is not merely a market fluctuation; it is a systemic impoverishment.

We cannot feign ignorance of the role of government inaction in compounding this deficit. For a protracted period, the Rivers State Government has largely abandoned the housing sector as a social responsibility. The low-cost housing estates at Aggrey Road and other locations built under former Governor Peter Odili provided modest relief. His successor, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi, initiated some developments, notably the Golf Estate and other schemes, but many remained incomplete or inaccessible to the poor. Under Nyesom Wike, there was little demonstrable interest in mass housing for low-income earners, with priority accorded to roads, flyovers and other infrastructure.

Regrettably, the housing projects undertaken by the present administration appear not to be tailored for the average citizen or the indigent. They are priced beyond the reach of the very people most in need of intervention. When government housing is targeted at the affluent, it ceases to be a social programme and becomes a commercial venture, leaving the chasm between supply and demand to be exploited by speculative landlords and agents.

Part of that exploitation is fuelled by the spiralling cost of building materials. Data from the NBS Construction Price Index (2024) and the Cement Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (2024) show that the price of a 50kg bag of cement rose from about N4,500 in early 2023 to between N12,000 and N15, 000 by 2026, an increase of several per cent. Sharp sand, granite, reinforcement bars and agency fees have followed a similar trajectory. The Central Bank of Nigeria (2024) also linked this to foreign exchange volatility and high logistics costs. When construction becomes this expensive, only high-rent properties can guarantee returns, thus perpetuating the cycle.

It is for this reason that moral appeals alone, such as that issued in Cross River, will not suffice in Rivers. What is imperative is legislative intervention. Ebonyi State has provided a worthy precedent, where government fixed rental ceilings for different categories of accommodation and drastically reduced agency and legal fees to two per cent, with enforcement mechanisms. Rivers State should act likewise, enacting a tenancy law that curtails arbitrary rent hikes, standardises agency charges, and provides protection against capricious eviction. Shelter cannot be left entirely to market forces.

The long-term solution lies in massive public investment in housing. The state government must return to direct construction of low-cost and medium-income estates in Port Harcourt, Obio/Akpor, Eleme, and Bonny, as a deliberate strategy to flood the market and force down rental values. Concurrently, it must collaborate with the Federal Government and private sector to subsidise building materials, streamline land titling, and regulate the activities of housing agents. The burden on the average individual is already too heavy. To restore dignity, stability and productivity to our people, government must treat housing not as a privilege, but as a right.

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Editorial

2027: For Violence-Free Campaigns

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The commencement of intense electioneering activities towards the 2027 general elections offers Nigeria another historic opportunity to deepen its democratic culture. Politicians must eschew the habitual resort to personality attacks and divisive rhetoric that inflame passions and polarise the polity. What Nigerians deserve is a contest of ideas, policies, and programmes capable of addressing unemployment, inflation, and insecurity, among others. All political parties must be accorded a level playing field, for democracy cannot flourish where one group monopolises the public space while others are muzzled. A campaign anchored on issues, rather than invective, remains the only civilised path to legitimate leadership.

Regrettably, the reports of assaults on the offices of some political parties in Rivers State are utterly condemnable and portend a dangerous precedent. Law enforcement agencies must not tolerate such criminality under any guise. Such brigandage does not represent the democratic ethos the nation professes to uphold. It is imperative that all political gladiators in the state, including the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, sheath their swords and allow rival organisations to canvass freely. The police and other security operatives must protect persons and property without partisan colouration.

This descent is reminiscent of the 2023 experience in Rivers, which must not be allowed to recur. With campaigns for the 2023 elections about to commence fully, the state government, through Executive Order 21, prohibited the use of public schools for campaigns without approval from the Ministry of Education and demanded that applicants deposit a non-refundable N5 million as caution fees. Even when opposition figures opted for non-government facilities, they were obstructed or attacked. A presidential candidate was effectively prevented from campaigning in the state. Such conduct is unacceptable in a constitutional democracy and should not be repeated this year.

The practice of denying political opponents access to public facilities or inhibiting them from erecting billboards and posters to reach their supporters is patently undemocratic and should be discouraged. Democracy, by definition, entails free and unhindered participation. When state apparatus is deployed to frustrate legitimate political expression, the essence of pluralism is defeated. Public assets belong to all citizens, not to the ruling party of the day, and must be made available on equitable terms.

This intolerance is not peculiar to Rivers. In Lagos State, for instance, the campaign banners of a presidential candidate were reportedly removed on the orders of the authorities without cogent justification. Similarly, reports from the North indicate that the posters and banners of President Bola Tinubu are being destroyed, while campaign vehicles are vandalised. This pattern of mutual destruction was foreshadowed by the violence that marred the last general elections. Before the 2023 polls, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) reported attacks on at least 53 of its offices nationwide, while the European Union Election Observation Mission stated that at least 21 persons were killed in electoral violence during the 18 March governorship and State Assembly elections. The nation cannot persist in this trajectory and expect progress.

Nigeria deserves elections that conform to global standards, where outcomes reflect the genuine will of the electorate and inspire confidence. We hold the view that matters should be conducted properly and transparently. In the forthcoming polls, voters must be allowed to cast their ballots for candidates of their choice without intimidation, inducement or coercion, while politicians must be free to visit any part of the federation to solicit support. Credibility is not conferred by declaration; it is earned through impartial conduct.

Already, there are ominous signs of orchestrated violence emanating from the pronouncements of some political actors. Preparatory to the Osun State gubernatorial election, a senator allegedly enjoined his supporters to kill Accord Party opponents. What disciplinary or legal action was taken against him? Likewise, an area council chairman in Abuja reportedly advised those unwilling to support the ruling party to relocate from his council area to another location. Although he later claimed he was quoted out of context, many Nigerians perceived the clarification as an afterthought. Such inflammatory utterances heat up the polity and must be denounced.

In a similar vein, a commissioner in Borno State was reported to have boasted that anyone who failed to support the ruling party would be flogged. The said official has not been called to order. INEC should not remain mute in the face of these provocative declarations. The Electoral Act 2022 criminalises undue influence, intimidation, and incitement. The Electoral Commission, working in concert with the Department of State Services (DSS) and the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), should arrest and prosecute offenders to serve as a deterrent. Silence by regulatory and security agencies emboldens impunity.

The recent  prohibition of Mr Peter Obi from reaching his destination in Benue State, allegedly on official instruction, smacks of political motivation and should not have been allowed to stand by security operatives. Nigerians are weary of such antics. It appears that those in positions of authority are deploying the powers of the state to achieve selfish partisan ends. Freedom of movement and association are constitutionally guaranteed and cannot be abridged to settle political scores.

Some state governments are already introducing unreasonable conditions and enacting laws manifestly designed to frustrate the opposition. From exorbitant fees to cumbersome permits for venues and outdoor advertising, the objective is to stifle competition. This should not be allowed to continue. What citizens require from candidates is not administrative hurdles against rivals, but a clear articulation of what they will do to improve livelihoods, secure lives, and restore public trust if elected.

INEC must ensure that politicians adhere strictly to the campaign regulations contained in the Constitution, the Electoral Act, and its own guidelines. The Commission should halt this craziness before it spirals out of control. The electoral umpire must live up to its billing, no matter whose ox is gored. By demonstrating firmness, impartiality, and consistency in the application of sanctions, Nigerians would be persuaded that the body is serious and genuinely independent.

Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) must complement the efforts of the electoral umpire and security agencies in maintaining sanity during the current electioneering period. Election observation, civic education, early warning, and advocacy for peace are indispensable. What all these developments indicate is that a segment of the political class has not learnt its lessons. It is a shame that crude, anachronistic politics is still being practised in this age. The 2027 elections must be violence-free, issue-based, and credible.

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Editorial

Ogoni: Learning From Oil Wounds

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Over the past few weeks, Ogoniland has once again assumed considerable prominence in national discourse. What is unfolding goes far beyond a mere announcement that crude oil production is set to resume. The region finds itself at the confluence of three competing imperatives: the drive to revive extraction, the unfinished task of environmental remediation, and an increasingly acrimonious dispute over who genuinely represents the Ogoni people. It inevitably recalls the discredited practices of the past — prioritising extraction while relegating environmental restoration and community welfare to the periphery.

At the heart of this renewed initiative is Oil Mining Lease 11, which has remained dormant since 1993. The Federal Government directed the National Security Adviser to collaborate with the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) and Ogoni stakeholders towards the resumption of operations. OML 11 covers 3,095.55 square kilometres, sufficiently expansive to be subdivided into nine or ten viable blocks, according to researchers cited by former agitators. Industry figures presented to stakeholders indicate that 32 years of inactivity has cost more than $226.734bn across 96 wells, with the potential to produce about 500,000 barrels per day. For a federation grappling with severe fiscal pressures, the allure is readily apparent.

But, the hazards of precipitous action are already evident on the ground. Across the expansive farmlands of Yola Oilfield — also known as Yorla — the remnants of a major spill offer a grim portrait of ecological devastation, with mangroves, palm trees and other vegetation coated in crude while creeks remain fouled. In August 2025 alone, crude flowed into adjoining farms and waterways in Kpean, Khana Local Government Area, from a facility that had long been abandoned. This is not simply the residue of historical pollution; it is continuing contamination occurring even as negotiations over the resumption of operations gather momentum.

The Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) maintains that remediation efforts are progressing. The agency says it has completed work on five sites — Deebon Bodo/Mogho in Gokana, Nkeleoken/Alode in Eleme, Korokoro Well in Tai, Obolo Ebubu in Eleme and Bara Akpor Botem in Tai. Its 2026 livelihood scheme, we are informed, is designed to provide skills training to 2,200 people across Eleme, Gokana, Khana and Tai. Nevertheless, the implications of the United Nations Environment Programme’s (UNEP) 2011 assessment remain profound. UNEP found that potable water in Nsisioken Ogale was contaminated with benzene, a known carcinogen, at concentrations up to 900 times the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) guideline of 10 micrograms per litre, and cautioned that comprehensive restoration could require 25 to 30 years.

It would be misleading to contend that all Ogoni people are opposed to oil exploration on their land. Some young people have openly endorsed the reactivation of OML 11, but with a condition that is both legitimate and non-negotiable: they insist on direct participation in consultations and operational frameworks. Youth leaders are demanding at least 500 direct jobs within NNPCL and its subsidiaries. Their position is unequivocal: production may resume, but not without their meaningful participation and consent.

At least 51 civil society organisations appreciate this distinction and have opposed the proposed resumption of production, urging the government to abandon the plan and concentrate instead on remediating decades of pollution. Their apprehension is neither frivolous nor misplaced. Restarting wells while HYPREP’s remediation programme remains incomplete could expose communities to another cycle of contamination, health hazards and social tensions. The organisations include Oilwatch International and Health of Mother Earth Foundation, which argue that extracting oil without prior remediation would undermine human rights and Nigeria’s climate commitments.

Even more instructive is the schism within Ogoni leadership itself. KAGOTE — the principal socio-cultural body representing the four kingdoms — has called on the Ogoni Dialogue Committee to provide greater transparency and clarity regarding oil-related activities, appointments and opportunities. The disagreement centred on 40 NNPCL job slots and alleged contract awards, which KAGOTE questioned, while the Committee’s chairman, Prof Don Baridam, dismissed the corruption allegations as false and misleading and denied influencing the 40 beneficiaries or receiving federal funds. Consequently, the controversy has transcended the question of whether oil should return. It now encompasses who decides, who benefits, under what conditions, and who possesses the legitimate mandate to speak for Ogoniland.

Compounding the fraught situation is the arrest and prosecution of Chief Gani Topba. The leader and spokesman of the Conscience of Ogoni People and a participant in the dialogue process is facing four-count charges relating to terrorism, seizure and detention of oil wells, and cybercrime before the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt. Prosecutors allege that he sought to pressure the government to exclude Shell — now Renaissance Africa Energy Company — and its affiliates from contracts. The court has scheduled a date in September 2026 for his bail application and further proceedings. He has pleaded not guilty. Whatever the eventual determination of the allegations, the prosecution of dissent within a process ostensibly founded on dialogue inevitably sends a dangerous signal.

Amid these controversies, the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) has accused some parties of clandestinely drilling in parts of Tai and Eleme without community consent, describing the alleged activity as a betrayal of the spirit of dialogue. MOSOP has demanded an immediate cessation and full disclosure. If the authorities genuinely seek to cultivate trust, every stage of re-entry must be subjected to rigorous public scrutiny. Opacity, in such a sensitive environment, is the surest way to rekindle longstanding suspicions.

We are of the opinion that Ogoni has already paid an exorbitant price for Nigeria’s oil wealth — polluted land, contaminated water, devastated livelihoods and, in 1995, the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other activists. The proposed return offers an opportunity to alter that tragic narrative, but only if the Federal Government, its corporate partners and Ogoni stakeholders establish a framework that is transparent, inclusive and environmentally responsible. Otherwise, reopening OML 11 will not merely reopen wells; it will reopen old wounds.

The trial of an Ogoni advocate and the drive to recommence production must not be regarded as unrelated developments. They are facets of the same fundamental question: whether the emerging compact between Ogoni and the Nigerian state will rest on dialogue, justice and mutual trust, or on confrontation, opacity and suspicion. Ogoni should not be compelled to choose between economic prosperity and environmental justice. It deserves both. If oil is to return, it must do so under a new social contract — one that safeguards the environment, guarantees substantive community participation, makes benefits transparent and measurable, and prevents any individual or group from appropriating the process.

Ogoni cannot remain indefinitely imprisoned by the failures of its past. If extraction recommences under a genuinely reformed framework that guarantees environmental safeguards, meaningful community participation, employment, infrastructure and equitable revenue sharing, it could contribute to economic rejuvenation. But Abuja and the industry must appreciate that Ogoniland is not an ordinary oil-producing territory. Its history bears the profound scars of decades of pollution, broken promises and state violence. That history demands not haste, but exceptional prudence.

Comprehensive and credible remediation must remain a cardinal objective, not an afterthought; communities must have a substantive voice; economic gains must be tangible rather than disappear into elite pockets; young people must receive meaningful employment rather than token gestures; and a robust accountability mechanism must ensure that another major spill cannot be casually dismissed as merely a cost of doing business. Ogoni has already paid once; oil must not make it pay a second time.

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