Editorial
Still On Police Brutality
The immediate substitution of the infamous Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a component of the Nigeria Police Force, with the Special Weapons and Tactical Team (SWAT) in the aftermath of the October 2020 #EndSARS protests across the country, has turned out to be a repackaged old wine in a new bottle. The perdurable police savagery is a manifestation of that fact.
The former SARS officers operated like notorious gangsters, infamous for unlawful killings, extortion and torture marched only by the Nazi treatment of the Jews in the Concentration Camp. For years, human rights organisations and the media have documented cases of extra-judicial killings, torture, and other ill-treatment committed by SARS operatives and other units of the police.
When SWAT was set up by the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Mohammed Adamu, in October, 2020 to appease protesting youths against SARS’ brutality, it was a superficial action to create the impression that the clamour by the youths for the abrogation of the Anti-Robbery Squad had been heeded. Many Nigerians queried the hurried action of the police and accused the force’s leadership of hypocrisy.
Several Nigerians, especially young persons, were either impaled or outrightly killed for insubstantial reasons which included accusations of being internet fraudsters. Many others were profiled for their indecent appearances, hairstyles and having tattoos on their bodies and subsequently apprehended by members of the disbanded police unit.
A few days after the so-called name-change that had no semblance of a fresh working direction and goals, the wear and tear activities of the very new SWAT demonstrated that indeed a leopard cannot change its spots. Not long after its formation, a monarch in the Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu State, Emmanuel Mba, was brutally killed by men suspected to be SWAT officials.
The story went that some AK-47 rifle-wielding officers dressed in mufti invaded a meeting being attended by the monarch and demanded to see him. The suspected SWAT operatives, led by an inspector, shot the monarch while he was addressing members of his community at the town hall meeting. He died before he could get medical help.
According to the account, three natives from the Oruku Community in the council area reportedly came with the SWAT officers and left with them soon after the operation. We expect the orchestrators of the harrowing act to have been fished out by now and made to face the full wrath of the law if the police were truly a force to be relied on.
In December last year, an ugly scene played out between a bus driver and some policemen in Port Harcourt, capital of Rivers State. The driver, identified as Emenike, was completely stripped for refusing to expend the usual “toll” to the police. Other drivers who witnessed the incident remonstrated along Ada George Road where the happenstance occurred, causing an unprecedented traffic jam.
Still, along Ada George Road, a policeman attached to a supermarket fired random shots at three persons who were admitted to the hospital for gunshot wounds. The trigger-happy police officer groused about the uncooperative attitude of some commercial vehicle and tricycle drivers along that route.
In November, 2020, a police officer, in a desperate attempt to clear the road for their patrol vehicle that was stuck in gridlock around the market along Yenagoa — Mbiama Road, openly shot at three women. Police brutality gained further height when, at Rukpokwu in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, Rivers State, a tricycle driver was shot dead by a police officer over refusal to give a hundred naira gratification. That incident sparked off protests by angry drivers in the community.
Also, in the same local government area, one Abiodun Jimoh was shot dead by a policeman attached to the Elelenwo police division. It was ironic that an older brother of the deceased was an eye witness. He alleged that the killer-policeman was stupendously drunk on the day of the incident. Further reports claimed that the police officer shot the victim despite pleas by a senior colleague to release him.
These incidents and many others across the country have transpired despite the #EndSARS protests and assurances by the police authorities to check frequent police brutality and put an end to it. The animalistic conduct of the Nigerian police is a negation of modern global policing strategy. It is an absurdity unabashedly displayed by our ill-trained and flat-footed police while the citizens groan helplessly.
It is high time the Nigerian police was radically reformed by President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration for optimal performance. Since the Federal Government promised to carry out reforms in the force, no practical steps have been initiated in that direction. No doubt, Nigerians need SWAT to confront dangerous crimes, but not for routine policing as it exists currently.
This country cannot achieve much with a highly militarised police force. What is needed is a radical departure from the current centralised police structure to a decentralised force. The glaring inadequacies in the force arising from the unworkable configuration that came into effect since states were created in 1967, must be broken away from.
Enough of police brutality. Nigerians have been extorted, raped, tortured, and killed by the police, particularly the defunct SARS now SWAT. Although continued protests compelled the Nigerian government to scrap the infamous and dreaded police unit, that is not sufficient. It needs to be complemented by justice for victims of police brutality. It is a bitter reproach that police cruelty remains an issue in the country this time and age. Buhari must take immediate steps to halt this act of ignominy in the force.
Editorial
Checkmating ‘One-Chance’ Menaces In PH
Editorial
That Oshiomhole’s Call On FG’s Road Projects
There are moments in the life of a legislature when plain speaking becomes a public service. Senator Adams Oshiomhole provided such a moment on the floor of the Senate when he accused the Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, of manifestly neglecting critical federal arteries in Edo and Delta States, and implored his colleagues to prevail on the Minister to adopt a more equitable and genuinely national approach to road infrastructure delivery. It was blunt, it was uncomfortable, and it was necessary.
The specifics of his complaint deserve restating. Drawing attention to the recent approval of some 20 new road projects despite the parlous state of existing ones, the former Edo State governor lamented that Nigerians cannot travel from Benin to Warri, Benin to Asaba, Benin to Auchi, or Auchi to Okene without encountering severe distress. He alleged a deliberate omission of these corridors from the national budget in the last three years, save for palliative interventions directed by President Bola Tinubu through tax credit arrangements. His question — “What have we done wrong?” — resonates far beyond the chambers of the National Assembly.
We lend our full and unequivocal support to that call. The Auchi-Benin Road, for instance, has been in a deplorable and near-impassable condition for several years, turning what should be a two-hour journey into an all-day ordeal of broken axles, extortionate fares, and despondent commuters. The media have, on multiple occasions, chronicled the suffering of motorists, traders, and students who ply that route. To describe it as a federal road today is to stretch the meaning of the term beyond recognition.
This pattern of sidelining is not confined to Edo or Delta. Even here in Rivers State, the disposition of the Federal Ministry of Works has left much to be desired, particularly along the Eleme axis of the East-West Road. That road, which ought to be a flagship of federal presence in the Niger Delta, has remained in a wretched state for long. Those who use it daily — workers at the Eleme Petrochemical Complex, the two refineries, Onne Port, and the countless ancillary industries — can attest to its deterioration. Work has proceeded in fits and starts without the sustained urgency such a strategic road demands.
The Eleme stretch is not a mere intra-state byway. It is the gateway to the nation’s economic jugular. According to the Federal Ministry of Works and Housing’s 2023 Highway Condition Survey, only about 35 per cent of the country’s 36,000 kilometres of federal roads are rated as being in good or fair condition, with the remainder classified as poor or very poor. The East-West Road, conceived in the 1970s to bind the entire Niger Delta, remains unfinished in critical sections more than four decades after. If it had been treated as a priority, the perennial gridlock, carnage, and economic loss on the Eleme-Refinery junction would have long been consigned to history.
The irony is as painful as it is glaring. The Niger Delta remains the goose that lays the golden eggs. Data from the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative [NEITI 2023 Oil and Gas Audit] show that the region still accounts for over 78 per cent of Nigeria’s federally collected export earnings and about 65 per cent of total government revenue. The National Bureau of Statistics [NBS Foreign Trade Report Q4 2024] similarly confirms that crude oil continues to dominate export receipts. By every metric of equity and economic logic, a region that sustains the national purse deserves first-rate consideration in the allocation of infrastructure, not afterthoughts and tokenism.
Road infrastructure is not largesse to be dispensed by favour; it is the skeleton upon which commerce, cohesion, and citizenship hang. When contracts are concentrated in one geopolitical zone while other zones are left to contend with craters, it erodes trust in the federation itself. The World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update [June 2023] estimated that poor transport connectivity inflates the cost of moving goods by up to 40 per cent and costs the Nigerian economy an estimated $1.5 billion annually in lost man-hours and vehicle maintenance. If we profess to be one country, then equity must be the compass that guides key institutions before any project is executed. Development must spread round, not pool in one place as though other regions do not matter.
There is also a grave security dimension that can no longer be ignored. The deplorable condition of federal roads has become a veritable enabler of criminality. The NBS Crime Experience and Security Perception Survey reported over 2.5 million incidents of kidnapping-related occurrences nationally, with transport workers identifying bad road spots as prime ambush points. When vehicles are forced to crawl at 10 kilometres per hour through failed sections at Auchi, Sapele Road, or Eleme, they become sitting ducks for armed gangs. Fixing bad roads, therefore, is not merely about convenience; it is about safeguarding lives.
By his intervention, Senator Oshiomhole has hit the nail on the head and reminded Minister Umahi of a fundamental constitutional truth: public office is held in trust. The Ministry of Works is not a personal estate where contracts are awarded according to whim or political convenience. It is a national institution funded by the collective resources of Nigerians, including the oil and gas rents from the very communities whose roads are now neglected. The Minister must demonstrate balance, transparency, and a pan-Nigerian outlook in the distribution of projects that impact the daily existence of citizens. Selective neglect breeds suspicion, and suspicion is corrosive at a time when the nation is preaching unity, oneness, equity, and justice.
Consequently, the National Assembly must go beyond rhetoric and assert its oversight powers with vigour. Sections 88 and 89 of the 1999 Constitution [as amended] empower the legislature to investigate and expose any maladministration in the execution of federal projects. If an office holder is not acting rightly, it is the duty of the Senate and the House of Representatives to call him to order. Oversight must not be reduced to budget approval ceremonies; it must translate to field verification, public hearings, and insistence that the Federal Character principle, as enshrined in Section 14(3) of the Constitution, reflects in road awards.
Let the Auchi-Okene, Benin-Warri, Benin-Asaba, and Eleme East-West gangways be restored to motorable dignity. Let priority be given to completing existing, economically vital roads before embarking on new ones. If those who, through their resources, sustain the federation are sidelined in the distribution of tangible dividends, it tells poorly of our nationhood. Bad roads must be fixed, and they must be fixed now, with fairness as the guiding standard.
Editorial
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